ABSTRACT
Only a small percentage of 120 immigrant authors living in Slovenia have won recognition in contemporary Slovenian culture, which is to say that their work has been published by major Slovenian literary magazines and publishing houses, they have participated in central literary events and have been active in key Slovenian literary movements. The article offers analysis of thematic and literary-aesthetic characteristics of the literary work written by the so-called elite (Josip Osti, Erica Johnson Debeljak, Ismet Bekrić, Ana Ristović, Jordan Stavrov, Ana Lasić, Stanislava Chrobáková Repar) and less recognised immigrant authors (Rade Vučkovac, Nebojša Ignjatovič, Vladimir Vekić, Ljuben Dimkaroski). The typical feature of their poetry, prose, drama and essays is the question of identity and its structure, which is tackled in their work directly or through literary characters. All of the authors seem to ask themselves questions about being foreign, different, about their intercultural status. Each author meets literary-aesthetic expectations of Slovenian readership to a different degree, and more or less fits in the literary socialisation of Slovenian readers, least of all those who write predominantly patriotic literature. Josip Osti writes in Slovenian language and is consequently the only one among the analysed authors who has been recognised as the Slovenian author. All of the others – be it recognised or less so – are still faced with the language as the major Slovenian ideological border and constant which determines whether an individual is a Slovenian author or a foreign one. This, however, is what practical and theoretical benefits of the authors and their literary integration are dependant on.
Even though the purpose of the Paralele magazine and the Sosed tvojega brega festival is to promote interculturality, Slovenians have accepted them with nothing but tolerance, showing no intercultural consciousness which is essential if we want to prevent such activities from falling into paracultural and from merely representing the tolerance threshold of a culture. Therefore those immigrant authors who publish their work only in Paralele and attend no other festival than Sosed tvojega brega remain outside key literary events in majority Slovenian and international literature.
The status of immigrant literature in Slovenian cultural consciousness is hardly noticeable within the entire cultural system of Slovenia, and is therefore in need of radical changes taking place in Slovenian literary institutions and media, the loosening of the borders of Slovenian national literature, and the integration of immigrant authors in multicultural Slovenia.

ABSTRACT
Only a small percentage of 120 immigrant authors living in Slovenia have won recognition in contemporary Slovenian culture, which is to say that their work has been published by major Slovenian literary magazines and publishing houses, they have participated in central literary events and have been active in key Slovenian literary movements. The article offers analysis of thematic and literary-aesthetic characteristics of the literary work written by the so-called elite (Josip Osti, Erica Johnson Debeljak, Ismet Bekrić, Ana Ristović, Jordan Stavrov, Ana Lasić, Stanislava Chrobáková Repar) and less recognised immigrant authors (Rade Vučkovac, Nebojša Ignjatovič, Vladimir Vekić, Ljuben Dimkaroski). The typical feature of their poetry, prose, drama and essays is the question of identity and its structure, which is tackled in their work directly or through literary characters. All of the authors seem to ask themselves questions about being foreign, different, about their intercultural status. Each author meets literary-aesthetic expectations of Slovenian readership to a different degree, and more or less fits in the literary socialisation of Slovenian readers, least of all those who write predominantly patriotic literature. Josip Osti writes in Slovenian language and is consequently the only one among the analysed authors who has been recognised as the Slovenian author. All of the others – be it recognised or less so – are still faced with the language as the major Slovenian ideological border and constant which determines whether an individual is a Slovenian author or a foreign one. This, however, is what practical and theoretical benefits of the authors and their literary integration are dependant on.
Even though the purpose of the Paralele magazine and the Sosed tvojega brega festival is to promote interculturality, Slovenians have accepted them with nothing but tolerance, showing no intercultural consciousness which is essential if we want to prevent such activities from falling into paracultural and from merely representing the tolerance threshold of a culture. Therefore those immigrant authors who publish their work only in Paralele and attend no other festival than Sosed tvojega brega remain outside key literary events in majority Slovenian and international literature.
The status of immigrant literature in Slovenian cultural consciousness is hardly noticeable within the entire cultural system of Slovenia, and is therefore in need of radical changes taking place in Slovenian literary institutions and media, the loosening of the borders of Slovenian national literature, and the integration of immigrant authors in multicultural Slovenia.

ABSTRACT
The aim of this article is to highlight the situation of the migrant children from former Yugoslavia in primary school in Slovenia.
Contemporary school presents teachers with new and relatively high demands which should contribute towards democratisation of relationships and social justice in school. From the aspect of learning outcomes, teachers are required to offer differentiated and individualised lessons which should enable students to acquire as high levels of knowledge as possible.
From the developmental aspect, they are required to include all students who should with maximum assistance achieve at least minimal levels of knowledge. Thus, the teacher is expected to be willing to build a class community of individuals who show solidarity and responsibility towards each other, who are able to show respect for and acceptance of difference, and are thus developing their skill to constructively participate in a society of different human beings.
We asked ourselves to what extent teachers felt responsible for the migrant children school results and their social inclusion in the class. In regards to the first question, we asked a representative sample of primary school teachers whether factors such as the child’s traits, the situation in the class and the situation at home affect the migrant child’s level of school achievement, and if so, to what extent. In regards to the second question, we tried to establish the role of the child’s parents, the child himself, the other children and their parents, and the teacher in the migrant child’s social inclusion in the class.
Results of our study show that Slovenian teachers feel considerably less responsible for achievements of migrant children than for the achievements of other children, and, furthermore, do not feel responsible for migrant children’s successful inclusion in the class. The question therefore is where this feeling of irresponsibility towards migrant children felt by teachers comes from.
For this reason, it is necessary to pay utmost attention to making teachers aware of their key role in implementing moral and educational goals of education as well as teaching them to be more sensitive to the real problems of migrant children and to be better prepared for intercultural education.

ABSTRACT
The aim of this article is to highlight the situation of the migrant children from former Yugoslavia in primary school in Slovenia.
Contemporary school presents teachers with new and relatively high demands which should contribute towards democratisation of relationships and social justice in school. From the aspect of learning outcomes, teachers are required to offer differentiated and individualised lessons which should enable students to acquire as high levels of knowledge as possible.
From the developmental aspect, they are required to include all students who should with maximum assistance achieve at least minimal levels of knowledge. Thus, the teacher is expected to be willing to build a class community of individuals who show solidarity and responsibility towards each other, who are able to show respect for and acceptance of difference, and are thus developing their skill to constructively participate in a society of different human beings.
We asked ourselves to what extent teachers felt responsible for the migrant children school results and their social inclusion in the class. In regards to the first question, we asked a representative sample of primary school teachers whether factors such as the child’s traits, the situation in the class and the situation at home affect the migrant child’s level of school achievement, and if so, to what extent. In regards to the second question, we tried to establish the role of the child’s parents, the child himself, the other children and their parents, and the teacher in the migrant child’s social inclusion in the class.
Results of our study show that Slovenian teachers feel considerably less responsible for achievements of migrant children than for the achievements of other children, and, furthermore, do not feel responsible for migrant children’s successful inclusion in the class. The question therefore is where this feeling of irresponsibility towards migrant children felt by teachers comes from.
For this reason, it is necessary to pay utmost attention to making teachers aware of their key role in implementing moral and educational goals of education as well as teaching them to be more sensitive to the real problems of migrant children and to be better prepared for intercultural education.

ABSTRACT
Deriving from Rawl’s comprehension of equity, educational system should – to be competent to be termed just – ensure formally equal chances for education and at the same time, level objective differences between scholars or offer different pupils different with the aim of reaching identical results. The educational system should not fulfil those demands on formal, institutional level only; it must necessarily operate on the level of communication as well. It demands a teacher that is sensitive to what is in certain cases just for different pupils and what is not, one who is capable of arguing professionally why a certain pupil is treated differently than others. The contribution reveals through the studying of immigrants from former Yugoslavia how the above-mentioned equity is being realised within the Slovene educational system. Initially it displays what the educational system enables immigrants from former Yugoslavia on the formal level. In continuation, a question is asked – what the attitude of the teachers towards them is. In doing so, it derives from an analysis of a questionnaire carried out on a representative pattern of class and subject teachers in Slovene primary school.
From the answers of the teachers, a conviction is clearly understood that the school must be just to the children of immigrants in the sense that it does not segregate children, which means they are not to be given lessons separately in special classes or schools. Less sensibility is perceived on issues whether and what should be different for immigrant children to enable them success identical to that of their coevals. The question whether teachers are sufficiently sensible to the problematic of immigrant children cannot be comprehended outside formal frames of the Slovene educational system. Namely, the educational legislation itself is discrepant. From the aspect of general principles, it mentions equity of school, principles of equal chances with the right of the individual to dissimilarity; however, in concrete realisations it denies all the above-mentioned. The principle of equal chances remains from the standpoint of children of immigrants on a declarative level. Immigrant children are within the Slovene educational system not granted adequate attention of the profession and policy, and consequently of the teachers.

ABSTRACT
Deriving from Rawl’s comprehension of equity, educational system should – to be competent to be termed just – ensure formally equal chances for education and at the same time, level objective differences between scholars or offer different pupils different with the aim of reaching identical results. The educational system should not fulfil those demands on formal, institutional level only; it must necessarily operate on the level of communication as well. It demands a teacher that is sensitive to what is in certain cases just for different pupils and what is not, one who is capable of arguing professionally why a certain pupil is treated differently than others. The contribution reveals through the studying of immigrants from former Yugoslavia how the above-mentioned equity is being realised within the Slovene educational system. Initially it displays what the educational system enables immigrants from former Yugoslavia on the formal level. In continuation, a question is asked – what the attitude of the teachers towards them is. In doing so, it derives from an analysis of a questionnaire carried out on a representative pattern of class and subject teachers in Slovene primary school.
From the answers of the teachers, a conviction is clearly understood that the school must be just to the children of immigrants in the sense that it does not segregate children, which means they are not to be given lessons separately in special classes or schools. Less sensibility is perceived on issues whether and what should be different for immigrant children to enable them success identical to that of their coevals. The question whether teachers are sufficiently sensible to the problematic of immigrant children cannot be comprehended outside formal frames of the Slovene educational system. Namely, the educational legislation itself is discrepant. From the aspect of general principles, it mentions equity of school, principles of equal chances with the right of the individual to dissimilarity; however, in concrete realisations it denies all the above-mentioned. The principle of equal chances remains from the standpoint of children of immigrants on a declarative level. Immigrant children are within the Slovene educational system not granted adequate attention of the profession and policy, and consequently of the teachers.

ABSTRACT
The dispersal of around 1200 children from asylum seeking families across Britain to schools in the city of Glasgow, Scotland, resulted in the setting up of the Glasgow Asylum Seekers Support Project (GASSP) funded by National Asylum Seekers’ Support (NASS). The educational wing of this project established bilingual units in schools across Glasgow, in which specialist teachers would support the English language development of the newly arrived pupils while enabling their integration into the mainstream classes by team teaching.
What happens when a monolingual school in an economically deprived area of an inner city becomes a multilingual, multiracial school as a result of government policy (The Immigration and Asylum Act)? How do children from asylum seeking families, many of whom have never had formal education prior to arriving in Scotland and all of whom are new to the English language, make meaning of the school community?
This paper will report on how a bilingual unit has become an integral part of the mainstream school due to creative pedagogy and how the school has accessed what the pupils already know in order to help them make sense of learning in a new language.
The paper is based on ethnographic research, conducted as part of the European CLASP project, in the bilingual unit of one primary school in Glasgow, Scotland. The collaborative ethos developed between base and mainstream teachers influenced the ways in which the children were enabled to make decisions about their learning and this in turn influenced the pedagogy of the whole school.
The paper will discuss how this highly mobile pupil population has enabled the school to take more cognisance of learner perspectives and has allowed a creative pedagogy to emerge in the school.

ABSTRACT
The dispersal of around 1200 children from asylum seeking families across Britain to schools in the city of Glasgow, Scotland, resulted in the setting up of the Glasgow Asylum Seekers Support Project (GASSP) funded by National Asylum Seekers’ Support (NASS). The educational wing of this project established bilingual units in schools across Glasgow, in which specialist teachers would support the English language development of the newly arrived pupils while enabling their integration into the mainstream classes by team teaching.
What happens when a monolingual school in an economically deprived area of an inner city becomes a multilingual, multiracial school as a result of government policy (The Immigration and Asylum Act)? How do children from asylum seeking families, many of whom have never had formal education prior to arriving in Scotland and all of whom are new to the English language, make meaning of the school community?
This paper will report on how a bilingual unit has become an integral part of the mainstream school due to creative pedagogy and how the school has accessed what the pupils already know in order to help them make sense of learning in a new language.
The paper is based on ethnographic research, conducted as part of the European CLASP project, in the bilingual unit of one primary school in Glasgow, Scotland. The collaborative ethos developed between base and mainstream teachers influenced the ways in which the children were enabled to make decisions about their learning and this in turn influenced the pedagogy of the whole school.
The paper will discuss how this highly mobile pupil population has enabled the school to take more cognisance of learner perspectives and has allowed a creative pedagogy to emerge in the school.

ABSTRACT
Approximately 45 % of all non-Austrian residents in Austria are nationals of the former Yugoslavia and 17.5 % are of Turkish origin. This is largely due to Austria’s geographical location, its earlier policy of recruiting workers from abroad and the admission, in the early 1990s, of refugees from the former Yugoslavia.. The Austrian constitution stipulates that state schools have to be accessible to all pupils, regardless of their origin, sex, race, class, language or religious belief. School attendance is compulsory for nine years for all children who have their permanent residence in Austria, regardless of their nationality. The total number of pupils attending compulsory schools in 2002/03 whose mother tongue is a language other than German was 103 877 (15.2 % of all pupils).
Austrian education policy rejects the idea of segregation. Hence, pupils who are not Austrian nationals and who have a mother tongue other than German are not taught in separate schools or classes but are educated alongside their Austrian colleagues. By law, immigrant pupils shall be integrated and at the same time their cultural identity be conserved and promoted which often creates problems with the daily school routine. For this purpose, intercultural education was introduced as a so-called ‘educational principle’ in Austrian compulsory and academic secondary schools in the early 1990s. Intercultural education aims at a mutual understanding between pupils of various social, cultural and linguistic backgrounds. It also aims to make them aware of their similarities and differences and to reduce Eurocentrism and racism in Austrian schools.
Nevertheless, reality shows that there are still a lot of problems to solve. Foreign pupils have worse chances than their Austrian colleagues in the educational system, there is a lack of intercultural friendships among pupils which often leads to an outcast-situation for immigrant pupils, and also conflicts between expectations of immigrant families and the Western culture can be observed. This again leads to an alienation from families and/or integration and identity problems of immigrant pupils.
Hence, a number of measures in the field of educational policy has to be implemented. Thereby an intercultural approach, as a chance of mutual learning from all different cultures, is to be preferred.

ABSTRACT
Approximately 45 % of all non-Austrian residents in Austria are nationals of the former Yugoslavia and 17.5 % are of Turkish origin. This is largely due to Austria’s geographical location, its earlier policy of recruiting workers from abroad and the admission, in the early 1990s, of refugees from the former Yugoslavia.. The Austrian constitution stipulates that state schools have to be accessible to all pupils, regardless of their origin, sex, race, class, language or religious belief. School attendance is compulsory for nine years for all children who have their permanent residence in Austria, regardless of their nationality. The total number of pupils attending compulsory schools in 2002/03 whose mother tongue is a language other than German was 103 877 (15.2 % of all pupils).
Austrian education policy rejects the idea of segregation. Hence, pupils who are not Austrian nationals and who have a mother tongue other than German are not taught in separate schools or classes but are educated alongside their Austrian colleagues. By law, immigrant pupils shall be integrated and at the same time their cultural identity be conserved and promoted which often creates problems with the daily school routine. For this purpose, intercultural education was introduced as a so-called ‘educational principle’ in Austrian compulsory and academic secondary schools in the early 1990s. Intercultural education aims at a mutual understanding between pupils of various social, cultural and linguistic backgrounds. It also aims to make them aware of their similarities and differences and to reduce Eurocentrism and racism in Austrian schools.
Nevertheless, reality shows that there are still a lot of problems to solve. Foreign pupils have worse chances than their Austrian colleagues in the educational system, there is a lack of intercultural friendships among pupils which often leads to an outcast-situation for immigrant pupils, and also conflicts between expectations of immigrant families and the Western culture can be observed. This again leads to an alienation from families and/or integration and identity problems of immigrant pupils.
Hence, a number of measures in the field of educational policy has to be implemented. Thereby an intercultural approach, as a chance of mutual learning from all different cultures, is to be preferred.