ABSTRACT
The purpose of the contribution is to deepen the knowledge about Ivan Resman (1848-1905), in public less known poet who had a certain role with the affirmation of Slovene national movement in the last decades of the 19th and in the beginning of the 20th centuries. Resman’s life path was not straight-lined; it was influenced by the fact his family was among the first in Slovenia to emigrate organized in the USA; the family left for America at the end of the American Civil war when the poet was still a juvenile. One of the circumstances that later marked him, was constant transferring to different places of work, which kept him from the homeland for several years, and temporarily anchored him in the margin of the then vast Austro-Hungaria.
Of approximately 80 poems of his sole collection Moja deca (1901), some deal with the emigration problematic; significant is the fact that in his early drama creations, he used the pen name Ameriški.
In Slovene space, Resman was active mainly in places along the South Rail where he served as a railway clerk. He was engaged in the animated societies’ life of the late 19th century by performing functions, for example in Jurčič-Tomšič’s institution within the Slovenska matica. He supported financially societies and pupils, for example Dragotin Kette, and at the same time wrote contributions for several Slovene newspapers and magazines: Slovenski narod, Stritar’s Zvon, Ljubljanski zvon, the Celovec Slovenec, Bleiweis’s Novice, the Trieste Edinost, Domovina, Slovan, etc. He cooperated with renowned cultural workers and politicians of that period, for example Josip Jurčič, Anton Aškerc, Lovro Toman, Janez Bleiweis, Janko Kersnik, Henrik Costa, etc.
Idealism and a romantic relation to the world winnow from Resman’s poetry. His poems are simple and besides with love elements impregnated mainly with patriotic themes, in accordance with his many years’ activity in national defence field. However, his poems are not of high artistic level. Much more than as poet, Resman is known for his merits for spreading Slovene literary language; even more as a writer of texts for songs that are still the repertoire of Slovene choir singing. His texts were set to music by significant Slovene composers of that period, to begin with Emil Adamič, Anton Foerster, Anton Schwab, Fran Gerbič, and others.
Thus, it is not a coincidence Resman is buried at Navje in Ljubljana, at the same place much more renowned Slovene litterateurs rest. At his death, main Slovene newspapers and literary magazines remembered him; among others Simon Gregorčič as well.

ABSTRACT
The purpose of the contribution is to deepen the knowledge about Ivan Resman (1848-1905), in public less known poet who had a certain role with the affirmation of Slovene national movement in the last decades of the 19th and in the beginning of the 20th centuries. Resman’s life path was not straight-lined; it was influenced by the fact his family was among the first in Slovenia to emigrate organized in the USA; the family left for America at the end of the American Civil war when the poet was still a juvenile. One of the circumstances that later marked him, was constant transferring to different places of work, which kept him from the homeland for several years, and temporarily anchored him in the margin of the then vast Austro-Hungaria.
Of approximately 80 poems of his sole collection Moja deca (1901), some deal with the emigration problematic; significant is the fact that in his early drama creations, he used the pen name Ameriški.
In Slovene space, Resman was active mainly in places along the South Rail where he served as a railway clerk. He was engaged in the animated societies’ life of the late 19th century by performing functions, for example in Jurčič-Tomšič’s institution within the Slovenska matica. He supported financially societies and pupils, for example Dragotin Kette, and at the same time wrote contributions for several Slovene newspapers and magazines: Slovenski narod, Stritar’s Zvon, Ljubljanski zvon, the Celovec Slovenec, Bleiweis’s Novice, the Trieste Edinost, Domovina, Slovan, etc. He cooperated with renowned cultural workers and politicians of that period, for example Josip Jurčič, Anton Aškerc, Lovro Toman, Janez Bleiweis, Janko Kersnik, Henrik Costa, etc.
Idealism and a romantic relation to the world winnow from Resman’s poetry. His poems are simple and besides with love elements impregnated mainly with patriotic themes, in accordance with his many years’ activity in national defence field. However, his poems are not of high artistic level. Much more than as poet, Resman is known for his merits for spreading Slovene literary language; even more as a writer of texts for songs that are still the repertoire of Slovene choir singing. His texts were set to music by significant Slovene composers of that period, to begin with Emil Adamič, Anton Foerster, Anton Schwab, Fran Gerbič, and others.
Thus, it is not a coincidence Resman is buried at Navje in Ljubljana, at the same place much more renowned Slovene litterateurs rest. At his death, main Slovene newspapers and literary magazines remembered him; among others Simon Gregorčič as well.

ABSTRACT
The contribution is a fragmentary survey of the relation of a part of Slovene intellectuals, temporary and permanent emigrants in Bohemia and in Croatia to the there living Jews. By political conviction, they were mainly nationally conscious intellectuals enthusiastic with Slavic mutuality; some of them were Russophiles. They went to study in Bohemia voluntarily, as a sign of protest against unequal position of Slavs in the state. They expected a genuine Slavic environment/atmosphere, which they actually experienced. In contrast to Slovenia, they were in Bohemia confronted with the existence of the Jewish community that did not exist in Slovenia. Consequently, they could witness the negative attitude of the Czechs towards Jews and through it – at least some, for example Marn and Radešček – deepened their own declinatory standpoints. Specific political circumstances in Croatia forced those employed by the authorities and those who because of their political convictions could not find work at home and forcibly “landed” in Croatia not to declare publicly their political convictions or the negative attitude towards Jews. Alternatively, they published them, for example Trdina, after they have left Croatia.

ABSTRACT
The contribution is a fragmentary survey of the relation of a part of Slovene intellectuals, temporary and permanent emigrants in Bohemia and in Croatia to the there living Jews. By political conviction, they were mainly nationally conscious intellectuals enthusiastic with Slavic mutuality; some of them were Russophiles. They went to study in Bohemia voluntarily, as a sign of protest against unequal position of Slavs in the state. They expected a genuine Slavic environment/atmosphere, which they actually experienced. In contrast to Slovenia, they were in Bohemia confronted with the existence of the Jewish community that did not exist in Slovenia. Consequently, they could witness the negative attitude of the Czechs towards Jews and through it – at least some, for example Marn and Radešček – deepened their own declinatory standpoints. Specific political circumstances in Croatia forced those employed by the authorities and those who because of their political convictions could not find work at home and forcibly “landed” in Croatia not to declare publicly their political convictions or the negative attitude towards Jews. Alternatively, they published them, for example Trdina, after they have left Croatia.

ABSTRACT
The sphere of emigration is pervaded with a strong emotional component on a personal level; when the individual defines oneself to this phenomenon and process, one is active particularly in public sphere. My interest is from the historiographical standpoint focused on the relation (view) of the public towards emigration and emigration problematic, for we find above all in publicistic, literature and even in professional literature numerous exaggerated, “black” and less “white” views upon emigration, living abroad, on the number of emigrants, dangers in regard of preservation of Slovene identity, Catholic religion etc. Foreign parts are through their eyes always something dark, cold, dangerous, and the homeland something warm, sunny, maternal. Through such picture, more realistic, factual information occurs as well; however, the negative are prevailing and echoing in the public space. The sphere of the number of emigrants as well knows exaggerations, which are a consequence of faulty state statistics and of administrating emigrants or immigrants by ethnic appurtenance, mother tongue, nationality, and similar. Until the year 1991, Slovenes have lived in different state communities and were in foreign states being registered as Austrians, Italians, Hungarians, members of the first and second Yugoslavia. Most frequent are deliberations on the grounds and causes for the leaving of individuals for work abroad. To what extent was that a consequence of poverty, even famine, and to what a mere wish for a better life if we have in mind economic emigration? We can here find several warnings and admonitions from the side of the state (in the 20th century, we can see a more controlled departing), the Church, intellectuals as a support and understanding. Nationality appurtenance was in the forefront. The fewness of Slovenes resulted in the opinion that with their estrangement (assimilation) the existence of the Slovene nation is imperilled. Fear (was) one of the most exposed and general arguments against the emigrating of Slovenes, the Church added the fear before religious indifference or even loss of belief with Slovene emigrants. The author draws attention, based on publicly uttered and written opinions, causally on individual statements and written records from the past.

ABSTRACT
The sphere of emigration is pervaded with a strong emotional component on a personal level; when the individual defines oneself to this phenomenon and process, one is active particularly in public sphere. My interest is from the historiographical standpoint focused on the relation (view) of the public towards emigration and emigration problematic, for we find above all in publicistic, literature and even in professional literature numerous exaggerated, “black” and less “white” views upon emigration, living abroad, on the number of emigrants, dangers in regard of preservation of Slovene identity, Catholic religion etc. Foreign parts are through their eyes always something dark, cold, dangerous, and the homeland something warm, sunny, maternal. Through such picture, more realistic, factual information occurs as well; however, the negative are prevailing and echoing in the public space. The sphere of the number of emigrants as well knows exaggerations, which are a consequence of faulty state statistics and of administrating emigrants or immigrants by ethnic appurtenance, mother tongue, nationality, and similar. Until the year 1991, Slovenes have lived in different state communities and were in foreign states being registered as Austrians, Italians, Hungarians, members of the first and second Yugoslavia. Most frequent are deliberations on the grounds and causes for the leaving of individuals for work abroad. To what extent was that a consequence of poverty, even famine, and to what a mere wish for a better life if we have in mind economic emigration? We can here find several warnings and admonitions from the side of the state (in the 20th century, we can see a more controlled departing), the Church, intellectuals as a support and understanding. Nationality appurtenance was in the forefront. The fewness of Slovenes resulted in the opinion that with their estrangement (assimilation) the existence of the Slovene nation is imperilled. Fear (was) one of the most exposed and general arguments against the emigrating of Slovenes, the Church added the fear before religious indifference or even loss of belief with Slovene emigrants. The author draws attention, based on publicly uttered and written opinions, causally on individual statements and written records from the past.

ABSTRACT
In the contribution, the results of the Questionnaire on the situation of immigrants, their descendants and their cultures in Slovenia is resumed, which was carried out within the research project Literary and cultural image of immigrants in Slovenia (1. 7. 2004-30. 6. 2007) by eleven volunteers - students of the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana - in 26 Slovene towns with different concentration of the first generation of immigrants. Pointed out in the present article are those answers to the questionnaire that deal with the title theme of this contribution that is with factors, which influence on the cultural position of immigrants in Slovenia, and with indicators witnessing to that position.
The stereotypes on immigrants in Slovenia and on how they imperil ethnic Slovenes, their survival (immigrants supposedly take off jobs), security (immigrants are supposedly responsible for the majority of criminal offences in Slovenia), culture, language etc.; are indirectly indicators and directly factors of social-economic, political and cultural position of the immigrants; thus, the first part of the article deals with the group of factors. Following are summarized opinions of the interviewed on their equality in the field of politics, religious life and education. The next are two sections on frequently self-evident (as well language) subordination of the immigrants, and on what Slovenes think of their own ethnic intolerance. The following three sections present the central part of the article. The first is about language knowledge of the interviewed immigrants, their reading habits, and their practising of cultural traditions. The second deals with the possibilities for the development and assertion of immigrant cultural activities in the broader society, namely in the light of the questionnaire answers as well as from the aspect of cognisance of other researchers. The third section issues the question of actual possibilities of the materially weaker part of members of immigrant communities for any kind of participation in the field of culture.

ABSTRACT
In the contribution, the results of the Questionnaire on the situation of immigrants, their descendants and their cultures in Slovenia is resumed, which was carried out within the research project Literary and cultural image of immigrants in Slovenia (1. 7. 2004-30. 6. 2007) by eleven volunteers - students of the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana - in 26 Slovene towns with different concentration of the first generation of immigrants. Pointed out in the present article are those answers to the questionnaire that deal with the title theme of this contribution that is with factors, which influence on the cultural position of immigrants in Slovenia, and with indicators witnessing to that position.
The stereotypes on immigrants in Slovenia and on how they imperil ethnic Slovenes, their survival (immigrants supposedly take off jobs), security (immigrants are supposedly responsible for the majority of criminal offences in Slovenia), culture, language etc.; are indirectly indicators and directly factors of social-economic, political and cultural position of the immigrants; thus, the first part of the article deals with the group of factors. Following are summarized opinions of the interviewed on their equality in the field of politics, religious life and education. The next are two sections on frequently self-evident (as well language) subordination of the immigrants, and on what Slovenes think of their own ethnic intolerance. The following three sections present the central part of the article. The first is about language knowledge of the interviewed immigrants, their reading habits, and their practising of cultural traditions. The second deals with the possibilities for the development and assertion of immigrant cultural activities in the broader society, namely in the light of the questionnaire answers as well as from the aspect of cognisance of other researchers. The third section issues the question of actual possibilities of the materially weaker part of members of immigrant communities for any kind of participation in the field of culture.

ABSTRACT
Among Croatian emigrants and their descendants in Chile and in the Republic of South Africa (RSA), a survey has been carried out in the period after the Croatian war of Independence to the international recognition of the Republic of Croatia with the aim of establishing the existence/non-existence of certain forms of national/ethnic identity. We have compared the answers of the respondents to define the degree of congruency of the questionnaire answers of two different emigrant groups.
By comparing the two researches, we have concluded that the emigrant population in RSA and in Chile have some distinctive characteristics: generation appurtenance, education, period of emigration, length of stay in the immigrant state. These factors have influenced directly on the degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity of emigrants as well as on the manner of demonstration of it.
The emigrant population in RSA is composed mainly of emigrants coming in after World War II. In RSA, that population was firmly connected with the Croatian Catholic Church, which was at the same time the main communal centre for assembling of the emigrants. The degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity among them is high. A large percentage of them are Croatian citizens, they know and speak Croatian language, and their children do so as well, and have great pretensions about returning to the homeland. In Chile, the number of emigrants arrived after World War II is small. The majority are born in Chile and are members of the second, third and fourth generations. They are mainly Chilean citizens, they do not speak and communicate in Croatian language, and the number of those that would return to Croatia is small. Despite previously alleged characteristic factors, we find congruency/accordance in the answers to the questions: membership in societies, degree of contentment accomplished in the immigrant state, preservation of ethnic customs within families, level of information on events in Croatia. These answers confirm the existence of a firm ethnic essence with the both surveyed populations. With both emigrant populations, we find a large number of members of Croatian emigrant societies through which they manifest their ethnic/national appurtenance. In RSA, the Croatian Catholic Church is the principle initiator for the assembling of emigrants while in Chile the majority of emigrant societies originate from the self-initiative wish of the emigrants to preserve their ethnic identity. They are mainly intellectuals; consequently, their societies have similar features (society of professionals of Croatian origin, Croatian-Chilean institute of culture, and similar). Within the both emigrant populations, the degree of contentment with the position and with the achieved in the immigrant state is high. Likewise, both emigrant populations are well informed on events in the homeland, the majority are in regular contacts with their families, and practice Croatian traditions within families.

ABSTRACT
Among Croatian emigrants and their descendants in Chile and in the Republic of South Africa (RSA), a survey has been carried out in the period after the Croatian war of Independence to the international recognition of the Republic of Croatia with the aim of establishing the existence/non-existence of certain forms of national/ethnic identity. We have compared the answers of the respondents to define the degree of congruency of the questionnaire answers of two different emigrant groups.
By comparing the two researches, we have concluded that the emigrant population in RSA and in Chile have some distinctive characteristics: generation appurtenance, education, period of emigration, length of stay in the immigrant state. These factors have influenced directly on the degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity of emigrants as well as on the manner of demonstration of it.
The emigrant population in RSA is composed mainly of emigrants coming in after World War II. In RSA, that population was firmly connected with the Croatian Catholic Church, which was at the same time the main communal centre for assembling of the emigrants. The degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity among them is high. A large percentage of them are Croatian citizens, they know and speak Croatian language, and their children do so as well, and have great pretensions about returning to the homeland. In Chile, the number of emigrants arrived after World War II is small. The majority are born in Chile and are members of the second, third and fourth generations. They are mainly Chilean citizens, they do not speak and communicate in Croatian language, and the number of those that would return to Croatia is small. Despite previously alleged characteristic factors, we find congruency/accordance in the answers to the questions: membership in societies, degree of contentment accomplished in the immigrant state, preservation of ethnic customs within families, level of information on events in Croatia. These answers confirm the existence of a firm ethnic essence with the both surveyed populations. With both emigrant populations, we find a large number of members of Croatian emigrant societies through which they manifest their ethnic/national appurtenance. In RSA, the Croatian Catholic Church is the principle initiator for the assembling of emigrants while in Chile the majority of emigrant societies originate from the self-initiative wish of the emigrants to preserve their ethnic identity. They are mainly intellectuals; consequently, their societies have similar features (society of professionals of Croatian origin, Croatian-Chilean institute of culture, and similar). Within the both emigrant populations, the degree of contentment with the position and with the achieved in the immigrant state is high. Likewise, both emigrant populations are well informed on events in the homeland, the majority are in regular contacts with their families, and practice Croatian traditions within families.