ABSTRACT
Towards the end of the 60s and in the beginning of the 70s of the previous century, a large number of the Međimurje population went on temporary work abroad. Due to many reasons among which the impossibility of employing in their native places and the economic underdevelopment of Međimurje should be pointed out, they found jobs in western European countries that were because of deficiency of native labour force compelled to employ foreign capable workers from less developed countries. When acquiring conditions for retirement, some even before reaching retirement, a large number of them return to their native places. By building houses, catering establishments, objects for different purposes, by raising agricultural mechanisation to a higher level, by introducing small trades and handicrafts, by investing in local infrastructure etc., the returnees from temporary work abroad are participating considerably in the physiognomic transformation of the Međimurje settlements. Transformations are at the same time noticeable in many other segments and structures. Transformations that emerged from the influence of social-geographical processes and external migrations reflect in the physiognomy of settlements, in cultural landscape, they are noticed in the transformation, adaptation and principally in equalization of behaviour and dressing of the inhabitants of villages and towns. With the aim to establish the stated, the contribution analyses external migration of the Međimurje population to the countries of Western Europe after World War II and researches how the Međimurje returnees from abroad have physiognomically transformed the Međimurje space. The object of the research is Međimurje that is the Međimurje county, a predominantly agrarian and low-lying region situated between the rivers Drava and Mura at the far northwest of the Republic of Croatia, that is, at the tri-border area of Slovenia, Hungary and Croatia. Under the notion modern migrations, we understand external migrations of the population from the year 1971 to 2001. The time frame is thus determined by the year 1971 when the official statistics registers for the first time external migrations. The basic goal of the research was to investigate and establish the causes for the migrations of the population of Međimurje, and based on field research, statistical data, conducted opinion poll (201 returnees from abroad have been interviewed), interviews, applied literature and sources, carry out results and conclusions by which we want to point out and caution of the consequences of migration of the population of Međimurje. External migrations are being researched into from the departure to the return (the tendency was towards observing all elements of the migration process, that is, from the beginning to the conclusion of the “migration cycle”) to the native place during the period 1971-2001. We have focused on 64 settlements, which are significantly affected by external migrations; hence, field research was carried out in communities and settlements with larger numbers of external migrants.

ABSTRACT
Towards the end of the 60s and in the beginning of the 70s of the previous century, a large number of the Međimurje population went on temporary work abroad. Due to many reasons among which the impossibility of employing in their native places and the economic underdevelopment of Međimurje should be pointed out, they found jobs in western European countries that were because of deficiency of native labour force compelled to employ foreign capable workers from less developed countries. When acquiring conditions for retirement, some even before reaching retirement, a large number of them return to their native places. By building houses, catering establishments, objects for different purposes, by raising agricultural mechanisation to a higher level, by introducing small trades and handicrafts, by investing in local infrastructure etc., the returnees from temporary work abroad are participating considerably in the physiognomic transformation of the Međimurje settlements. Transformations are at the same time noticeable in many other segments and structures. Transformations that emerged from the influence of social-geographical processes and external migrations reflect in the physiognomy of settlements, in cultural landscape, they are noticed in the transformation, adaptation and principally in equalization of behaviour and dressing of the inhabitants of villages and towns. With the aim to establish the stated, the contribution analyses external migration of the Međimurje population to the countries of Western Europe after World War II and researches how the Međimurje returnees from abroad have physiognomically transformed the Međimurje space. The object of the research is Međimurje that is the Međimurje county, a predominantly agrarian and low-lying region situated between the rivers Drava and Mura at the far northwest of the Republic of Croatia, that is, at the tri-border area of Slovenia, Hungary and Croatia. Under the notion modern migrations, we understand external migrations of the population from the year 1971 to 2001. The time frame is thus determined by the year 1971 when the official statistics registers for the first time external migrations. The basic goal of the research was to investigate and establish the causes for the migrations of the population of Međimurje, and based on field research, statistical data, conducted opinion poll (201 returnees from abroad have been interviewed), interviews, applied literature and sources, carry out results and conclusions by which we want to point out and caution of the consequences of migration of the population of Međimurje. External migrations are being researched into from the departure to the return (the tendency was towards observing all elements of the migration process, that is, from the beginning to the conclusion of the “migration cycle”) to the native place during the period 1971-2001. We have focused on 64 settlements, which are significantly affected by external migrations; hence, field research was carried out in communities and settlements with larger numbers of external migrants.

ABSTRACT
Burek – a pie of various fillings “came” to Slovenia with immigrants from the republics of former Yugoslavia. In the beginning, it was confined to the family kitchen of immigrants; in the 80s, it emerged mainly in urban environment in the choice of some fast-food shops. At first, the consumption was linked above all to the immigrants. Later, part of the young population in urban environments began consuming burek. The end of the 60s and the entire 90s present a period when burek was gaining emphasised political meanings that were mainly linked to ethnic-national discourse. The mentioned period was also the time of expansion of this alimentary product, when not only its production and consumption increased (some Slovene bakeries and shops began preparing and selling burek), but it also left a noticeable seal in popular culture, in media, graffiti, slang etc.
The contribution presents the relation between a chosen alimentary object with emphasised immigrant “outlandish” connotation and the (Slovene) ethno-national discourse. It analyses above all different representations of burek in journalistic texts, semi-textual graffiti texts, names and other; occasionally it peeks into other processes as well in which meanings are being formed (production, regulation, consumption and other). The contribution reveals two discourses regarding burek, the nationalistic and the anti-nationalistic. In the so-called nationalistic discourse, burek is being associated with negative connotations and meanings; it becomes an indicator of the “inferior culture of the South”. Parallel with this discourse, possibly with partial time delay, alternative political meanings of burek occur. Those were usually not formulated as explicit revolt against nationalism but on the level of meanings, they were more or less in discordance with the nationalist discourse. Especially among younger urban population, students and schoolchildren, burek began increasingly functioning as a sign of something “cool” and thus brought about other meanings of “Juga” and “Balkan”.
The contribution also presents the relation of representations to other processes in which meaning are being created. Namely, the creation of a meaning does not occur within practices, ways of representation only but as well within processes of production, consumption, regulation, and in regard of type of identities linked to the object (de Guy et al. 2000). Cultural meanings of burek thus derive from practices of production, distribution and application and with that connected identities: the fact that burek is primarily being prepared in the kitchens of immigrants and that mainly Albanians, that is immigrants, foreigners, bake and sell it on the streets, seems to be the “output base” of production of meanings of burek in Slovenia, at least in the context of ethno-national discourse. Not negligible on the level of meanings is the fact that “Slovene” bakeries began baking it and “Slovene” shops selling it. Numerous meanings of burek have emerged and still are, through processes of consumption. We could set a thesis that at least part of the youth in the 90s used the consumption of burek as indicators in the active process of constructing “opposition” identities. However, those are issues for the next “burek story”.

ABSTRACT
Burek – a pie of various fillings “came” to Slovenia with immigrants from the republics of former Yugoslavia. In the beginning, it was confined to the family kitchen of immigrants; in the 80s, it emerged mainly in urban environment in the choice of some fast-food shops. At first, the consumption was linked above all to the immigrants. Later, part of the young population in urban environments began consuming burek. The end of the 60s and the entire 90s present a period when burek was gaining emphasised political meanings that were mainly linked to ethnic-national discourse. The mentioned period was also the time of expansion of this alimentary product, when not only its production and consumption increased (some Slovene bakeries and shops began preparing and selling burek), but it also left a noticeable seal in popular culture, in media, graffiti, slang etc.
The contribution presents the relation between a chosen alimentary object with emphasised immigrant “outlandish” connotation and the (Slovene) ethno-national discourse. It analyses above all different representations of burek in journalistic texts, semi-textual graffiti texts, names and other; occasionally it peeks into other processes as well in which meanings are being formed (production, regulation, consumption and other). The contribution reveals two discourses regarding burek, the nationalistic and the anti-nationalistic. In the so-called nationalistic discourse, burek is being associated with negative connotations and meanings; it becomes an indicator of the “inferior culture of the South”. Parallel with this discourse, possibly with partial time delay, alternative political meanings of burek occur. Those were usually not formulated as explicit revolt against nationalism but on the level of meanings, they were more or less in discordance with the nationalist discourse. Especially among younger urban population, students and schoolchildren, burek began increasingly functioning as a sign of something “cool” and thus brought about other meanings of “Juga” and “Balkan”.
The contribution also presents the relation of representations to other processes in which meaning are being created. Namely, the creation of a meaning does not occur within practices, ways of representation only but as well within processes of production, consumption, regulation, and in regard of type of identities linked to the object (de Guy et al. 2000). Cultural meanings of burek thus derive from practices of production, distribution and application and with that connected identities: the fact that burek is primarily being prepared in the kitchens of immigrants and that mainly Albanians, that is immigrants, foreigners, bake and sell it on the streets, seems to be the “output base” of production of meanings of burek in Slovenia, at least in the context of ethno-national discourse. Not negligible on the level of meanings is the fact that “Slovene” bakeries began baking it and “Slovene” shops selling it. Numerous meanings of burek have emerged and still are, through processes of consumption. We could set a thesis that at least part of the youth in the 90s used the consumption of burek as indicators in the active process of constructing “opposition” identities. However, those are issues for the next “burek story”.

ABSTRACT
More than 90% of all immigrant writers in Slovenia in the frame of contemporary Slovene culture belong to the category of non-elite or non-recognised writers, which is to say that, with rare exceptions, their work has been published in small, non-recognized Slovenian literary magazines and publishing houses, ethnic communities' publishing houses or even oftenly published by the authors themselves. The centre of non-elite immigrant literature are the magazine for questions of the culture of others' nations reprezentatives who live in Slovenia – Paralele which is dedicated to publishing of literary works in mother tongues and the literary festival Sosed tvojega brega, both in the organization of JSKD. The article offers analysis of poetics of the literary work (poetry, prose, eseys, drama, critics) of non-elite immigrant writers published in Paralele. The typical feauture of their literary work are the motifs of homesickness, craving, life in foreign environment, the question of identity, language and also general, life's and literary themes. All considered writers write in their mother tongues. On the other side the language is still the major Slovene ideological and cultural border and the major agent for their non-being part of Slovene national literature and culture. Even though the purpose of the Paralele magazine and the Sosed tvojega brega festival is to stimulate cultural exchange, crossing cultural borders and promotion of the literature written in other languages in the frame of Slovene culture, the fact is that the circle of readers of non-elite immigrant literature is narrowed on audience of the same and (eventually) other ethnic structures with a minimal participation of Slovene readers. The status of immigrant (elite and non-elite) writers should be improved with urgent (expert, collegial and media) problematization, defining of clear borders between asimilation and integration of immigrant literature, programs for integration of other languages' writers in Slovenian national literature, stimulation of their works' translations in Slovenian, sure implementation of multicultural politics, opening of big and not only small doors of Slovene culture in order everyone who live and create in Slovenia irrespective of nationality and language to find a place in Slovene culture.

ABSTRACT
More than 90% of all immigrant writers in Slovenia in the frame of contemporary Slovene culture belong to the category of non-elite or non-recognised writers, which is to say that, with rare exceptions, their work has been published in small, non-recognized Slovenian literary magazines and publishing houses, ethnic communities' publishing houses or even oftenly published by the authors themselves. The centre of non-elite immigrant literature are the magazine for questions of the culture of others' nations reprezentatives who live in Slovenia – Paralele which is dedicated to publishing of literary works in mother tongues and the literary festival Sosed tvojega brega, both in the organization of JSKD. The article offers analysis of poetics of the literary work (poetry, prose, eseys, drama, critics) of non-elite immigrant writers published in Paralele. The typical feauture of their literary work are the motifs of homesickness, craving, life in foreign environment, the question of identity, language and also general, life's and literary themes. All considered writers write in their mother tongues. On the other side the language is still the major Slovene ideological and cultural border and the major agent for their non-being part of Slovene national literature and culture. Even though the purpose of the Paralele magazine and the Sosed tvojega brega festival is to stimulate cultural exchange, crossing cultural borders and promotion of the literature written in other languages in the frame of Slovene culture, the fact is that the circle of readers of non-elite immigrant literature is narrowed on audience of the same and (eventually) other ethnic structures with a minimal participation of Slovene readers. The status of immigrant (elite and non-elite) writers should be improved with urgent (expert, collegial and media) problematization, defining of clear borders between asimilation and integration of immigrant literature, programs for integration of other languages' writers in Slovenian national literature, stimulation of their works' translations in Slovenian, sure implementation of multicultural politics, opening of big and not only small doors of Slovene culture in order everyone who live and create in Slovenia irrespective of nationality and language to find a place in Slovene culture.

ABSTRACT
The central theme of the article is the factors observed in Slovenian society that stimulate the immigrants’ expressing or concealing their ethnic and cultural identity. In the 2002 census, the share of those who did not state Slovenian ethnicity was 17 %. Approximately 10 % of the population marked the answer “unknown ethnicity”, were ethnically undetermined, or did not answer. Only 6.2 % of the population stated one of the ethnicities relating to other parts of former Yugoslavia, whereas all the other Non-Slovenian ethnicities together, including the autochthonous minorities, constituted less than one per cent of the population. The immigrants from other parts of former Yugoslavia represent 90 % of all first-generation immigrants now living in Slovenia. A comparison between immigration and ethnicity statistics, combined with the results of particular local investigations, show that in the 2002 census not only a vast majority of second-generation but also a considerable part of first-generation immigrants stated Slovenian ethnicity.
Parts of the fieldwork, the results of which are analyzed in this article, were focused on the question of how much the immigrants from other parts of former Yugoslavia feel accepted and equal in Slovenia, and how often, in what circumstances and for what reason they may tend to conceal their ethnic/cultural identity. We wanted to find out whether – besides a degrading attitude felt in the immigrants’ closer milieu, and besides their marginalized position in society at large – a discriminatory attitude can also be observed in the Slovenian State and its institutions, and/or in some public institutions. The answer was affirmative: most of the 249 interrogated immigrants have experienced or observed some sort of ethnic maltreatment in state offices or public institutions. On the basis of the questionnaire results presented in this article, two reliable conclusions confirming the findings of all the recent studies on the status of immigrants and their cultures in Slovenia can be established:
As long as the Slovenian State does not change its attitude towards the immigrants and their political, religious and cultural expectations, and as long as the immigrants are contemned at school, at work, in most places outside their homes, and driven to the edge of society in almost every aspect, it is paradoxical to speak about present implementation of any kind of integration of the immigrants in Slovenia, based upon the principle of equality.
As long as the image of the immigrants that prevails in Slovenian public perception remains as stereotypical, distorted and negative as it is, which is partly due to the mainstream media, the immigrants will feel unsafe or unwelcome not only to state their truly felt ethnicity in census forms but also to express their ethnic and cultural identity in everyday life.

ABSTRACT
The central theme of the article is the factors observed in Slovenian society that stimulate the immigrants’ expressing or concealing their ethnic and cultural identity. In the 2002 census, the share of those who did not state Slovenian ethnicity was 17 %. Approximately 10 % of the population marked the answer “unknown ethnicity”, were ethnically undetermined, or did not answer. Only 6.2 % of the population stated one of the ethnicities relating to other parts of former Yugoslavia, whereas all the other Non-Slovenian ethnicities together, including the autochthonous minorities, constituted less than one per cent of the population. The immigrants from other parts of former Yugoslavia represent 90 % of all first-generation immigrants now living in Slovenia. A comparison between immigration and ethnicity statistics, combined with the results of particular local investigations, show that in the 2002 census not only a vast majority of second-generation but also a considerable part of first-generation immigrants stated Slovenian ethnicity.
Parts of the fieldwork, the results of which are analyzed in this article, were focused on the question of how much the immigrants from other parts of former Yugoslavia feel accepted and equal in Slovenia, and how often, in what circumstances and for what reason they may tend to conceal their ethnic/cultural identity. We wanted to find out whether – besides a degrading attitude felt in the immigrants’ closer milieu, and besides their marginalized position in society at large – a discriminatory attitude can also be observed in the Slovenian State and its institutions, and/or in some public institutions. The answer was affirmative: most of the 249 interrogated immigrants have experienced or observed some sort of ethnic maltreatment in state offices or public institutions. On the basis of the questionnaire results presented in this article, two reliable conclusions confirming the findings of all the recent studies on the status of immigrants and their cultures in Slovenia can be established:
As long as the Slovenian State does not change its attitude towards the immigrants and their political, religious and cultural expectations, and as long as the immigrants are contemned at school, at work, in most places outside their homes, and driven to the edge of society in almost every aspect, it is paradoxical to speak about present implementation of any kind of integration of the immigrants in Slovenia, based upon the principle of equality.
As long as the image of the immigrants that prevails in Slovenian public perception remains as stereotypical, distorted and negative as it is, which is partly due to the mainstream media, the immigrants will feel unsafe or unwelcome not only to state their truly felt ethnicity in census forms but also to express their ethnic and cultural identity in everyday life.

ABSTRACT
Jože Žohar migrated »down under« to Australia in 1968 and struggles to pacify inside him the two homelands, Slovenia and Australia. In his three published collections of verse in the Slovene language (1990, 1995, 2004) the poet remains torn between the two countries, between Eros and Thanatos, between a unique erotic experiencing of the homeland and the wish for physical and spiritual ending and closeness of death, which brings deliverance. The article contextualizes his recently published book of verse Obiranje limon (2004) within recent theories of diasporic writing.

ABSTRACT
Jože Žohar migrated »down under« to Australia in 1968 and struggles to pacify inside him the two homelands, Slovenia and Australia. In his three published collections of verse in the Slovene language (1990, 1995, 2004) the poet remains torn between the two countries, between Eros and Thanatos, between a unique erotic experiencing of the homeland and the wish for physical and spiritual ending and closeness of death, which brings deliverance. The article contextualizes his recently published book of verse Obiranje limon (2004) within recent theories of diasporic writing.