ABSTRACT
Migration is one of the most stressful transitions. Immigrants are frequently confronted with negative sensations and with identity crisis. The author approached the problematic from the aspect of work therapy, and enlightened the role of the profession with the integration of that population. Knowledge on human occupations that is specific for work therapists can contribute to theoretical understanding of immigration situations.

Presented in detail are the Swedish experiences. The phenomenon of immigration is in Sweden a reality as in five years time immigrants will present as much as a third of the Swedish population. Researches have shown that economic immigrants have not been particularly successful in the past. Characteristic of them was among other a large share in premature retirement. In addition, in the well mobile Swedish society the children of immigrants in comparison to the native population move economically easier downwards and with difficulty upwards in view of incomes of their parents.

Three different adaptation styles are characteristic with immigrants. Identification with the new culture or commitment to source ethnic identity are the less welcome variants. Most successful is a development of bicultural identity and transculturation. That is how Slovenes in Sweden included in the qualitative research by the author responded to immigration. A work therapeutic paradigm directed the research. The process of adaptation and integration and the biculturalism of the participants are presented through their selection of occupations and habits. New occupations and practices gradually joined the activities linked to primary social environment. From the aspect of work therapy, integration signified a merge of new and old customs and occupations in the occupational pattern of the individual.

Immigration is a vital change, which follows the dynamics of other life changes comprised in the mentioned research. The author does not wish to generalize the findings. She is interested in human occupational responses to changes and how they are connected with fundamental psychological characteristics in which we are despite our individuality, alike.

ABSTRACT
Migration is one of the most stressful transitions. Immigrants are frequently confronted with negative sensations and with identity crisis. The author approached the problematic from the aspect of work therapy, and enlightened the role of the profession with the integration of that population. Knowledge on human occupations that is specific for work therapists can contribute to theoretical understanding of immigration situations.

Presented in detail are the Swedish experiences. The phenomenon of immigration is in Sweden a reality as in five years time immigrants will present as much as a third of the Swedish population. Researches have shown that economic immigrants have not been particularly successful in the past. Characteristic of them was among other a large share in premature retirement. In addition, in the well mobile Swedish society the children of immigrants in comparison to the native population move economically easier downwards and with difficulty upwards in view of incomes of their parents.

Three different adaptation styles are characteristic with immigrants. Identification with the new culture or commitment to source ethnic identity are the less welcome variants. Most successful is a development of bicultural identity and transculturation. That is how Slovenes in Sweden included in the qualitative research by the author responded to immigration. A work therapeutic paradigm directed the research. The process of adaptation and integration and the biculturalism of the participants are presented through their selection of occupations and habits. New occupations and practices gradually joined the activities linked to primary social environment. From the aspect of work therapy, integration signified a merge of new and old customs and occupations in the occupational pattern of the individual.

Immigration is a vital change, which follows the dynamics of other life changes comprised in the mentioned research. The author does not wish to generalize the findings. She is interested in human occupational responses to changes and how they are connected with fundamental psychological characteristics in which we are despite our individuality, alike.

ABSTRACT
The contribution is focused on the Swedish situation, its multiculturalism policy and narrower, on its attitude towards immigrants, and on how all mentioned reflects in circumstances in education with stresses on elementary school level. A basic frame of the contribution is a dissertation on the policy of multiculturalism in Sweden that should bring to realisation more equitable relations, and through this links with the ideologies of equalitarianism and anti-racism. All the mentioned reflects as well in fundamental principles, which set frames to educational programmes and are being realised in practice in various manners. Therefore, in continuation, we will be interested in the Swedish situation itself, in its multiculturalism policy and in a narrower sense, in the attitude to immigrants, and in how all the mentioned reflects in circumstances in the sphere of education with stresses on elementary school level.

The year 1975 is significant for the present treatise, when the parliament adopted a resolution of three main principles of immigrant policy: equality (jämlikhet), freedom of choice (valfrihet) and partnership (samverkan). Equality in standard of living. Freedom of choice as a right of the immigrants to decide by themselves whether to preserve their native languages and cultures or to accept the Swedish one and Swedish identity or both. Partnership as partnership between immigrant communities and the state. The adopted principles have caused some changes on institutional level. In regard of the mentioned treatise, let us just point out education where changes were linked with the principle of freedom, which among other ensures the preservation of source language. That right should in the future be implemented within the frame of public education.

The basic principle of the Swedish educational system is that all children and youngsters must have equal opportunities in view of access to public schools, regardless of ethnic belonging, place of residence and their social and economic status. Equal education must be assured in all types of schools in the entire state. Public elementary education is on the normative level bound by the following chief principles:

- equal access to public education
- equivalency in education
- knowledge and skills
- democratic values
- equality and opposition to unequal treating.

Pupils who at home speak other native language than Swedish must be ensured a choice of the subject “mother tongue” and thus be enabled to develop their language, upgrade it and become bilingual and able to learn about their source cultural heritage. They can choose the native language as an alternative for another foreign language (immediately after the English language, which is the first compulsory language) as part of individual pupil’s choice, or outside school time. The learning of mother tongue outside school time and regular elementary school programme is limited to seven years. This limitation does not apply for children members of a national minority; therefore, it is valid above all for children of immigrants.

The realisation of classes itself, the place and time have been changed in the course of time by various laws; all along, mother tongues were taught by teachers chosen by Swedish institutions. For their work, the teachers were paid by the Swedish state, more precisely by communes. For tuition, the teachers were to acquire necessarily competence (behőrighet). The candidate was to have had appropriate education in the homeland (teachers’ training college, pedagogical grammar school, college of education or a university degree) and at least six terms of practice in a Swedish school with at least 15 teaching hours of weekly engagement, or the Swedish High school for teachers – department for native language degree.

For adult immigrants who arrived in Sweden in the seventies, courses for learning Swedish language were organised. The courses were being carried out during paid working hours as well. Immigrants were entitled to 700 hours of free of charge course of Swedish language. Later the possibility changed into necessity. Communes were responsible for the realisation. In the nineties, all new immigrants have the right to charge free learning of Swedish language, which is considered as “Swedish as other language” or as “Swedish for immigrants”. The learning is being realised within the frame of education for adults. Immigrants can also learn Swedish language in institutions that acquired licenses from communes (for example Slovenian societies).

ABSTRACT
The contribution is focused on the Swedish situation, its multiculturalism policy and narrower, on its attitude towards immigrants, and on how all mentioned reflects in circumstances in education with stresses on elementary school level. A basic frame of the contribution is a dissertation on the policy of multiculturalism in Sweden that should bring to realisation more equitable relations, and through this links with the ideologies of equalitarianism and anti-racism. All the mentioned reflects as well in fundamental principles, which set frames to educational programmes and are being realised in practice in various manners. Therefore, in continuation, we will be interested in the Swedish situation itself, in its multiculturalism policy and in a narrower sense, in the attitude to immigrants, and in how all the mentioned reflects in circumstances in the sphere of education with stresses on elementary school level.

The year 1975 is significant for the present treatise, when the parliament adopted a resolution of three main principles of immigrant policy: equality (jämlikhet), freedom of choice (valfrihet) and partnership (samverkan). Equality in standard of living. Freedom of choice as a right of the immigrants to decide by themselves whether to preserve their native languages and cultures or to accept the Swedish one and Swedish identity or both. Partnership as partnership between immigrant communities and the state. The adopted principles have caused some changes on institutional level. In regard of the mentioned treatise, let us just point out education where changes were linked with the principle of freedom, which among other ensures the preservation of source language. That right should in the future be implemented within the frame of public education.

The basic principle of the Swedish educational system is that all children and youngsters must have equal opportunities in view of access to public schools, regardless of ethnic belonging, place of residence and their social and economic status. Equal education must be assured in all types of schools in the entire state. Public elementary education is on the normative level bound by the following chief principles:

- equal access to public education
- equivalency in education
- knowledge and skills
- democratic values
- equality and opposition to unequal treating.

Pupils who at home speak other native language than Swedish must be ensured a choice of the subject “mother tongue” and thus be enabled to develop their language, upgrade it and become bilingual and able to learn about their source cultural heritage. They can choose the native language as an alternative for another foreign language (immediately after the English language, which is the first compulsory language) as part of individual pupil’s choice, or outside school time. The learning of mother tongue outside school time and regular elementary school programme is limited to seven years. This limitation does not apply for children members of a national minority; therefore, it is valid above all for children of immigrants.

The realisation of classes itself, the place and time have been changed in the course of time by various laws; all along, mother tongues were taught by teachers chosen by Swedish institutions. For their work, the teachers were paid by the Swedish state, more precisely by communes. For tuition, the teachers were to acquire necessarily competence (behőrighet). The candidate was to have had appropriate education in the homeland (teachers’ training college, pedagogical grammar school, college of education or a university degree) and at least six terms of practice in a Swedish school with at least 15 teaching hours of weekly engagement, or the Swedish High school for teachers – department for native language degree.

For adult immigrants who arrived in Sweden in the seventies, courses for learning Swedish language were organised. The courses were being carried out during paid working hours as well. Immigrants were entitled to 700 hours of free of charge course of Swedish language. Later the possibility changed into necessity. Communes were responsible for the realisation. In the nineties, all new immigrants have the right to charge free learning of Swedish language, which is considered as “Swedish as other language” or as “Swedish for immigrants”. The learning is being realised within the frame of education for adults. Immigrants can also learn Swedish language in institutions that acquired licenses from communes (for example Slovenian societies).

ABSTRACT
Julian Slovenia presents one of the most distinctive emigration regions where reasons should be sought and evaluated in the systematic of the particular space. A complex understanding of the environment and of all its contents, demographic as well, demands as well vertical and horizontal approaches. In other words, comprehension of the entirety or, on the other hand of detailed space characteristics, should be built on a chronological basis and organisation of particular segments and contents.

The historical development of Julian Slovenia can be defined through seven different phases within which specific regional determinants were formed that denoted the social structure of Julian Slovenia in a certain period:

- Nationality determinant:
- Language determinant
- Political determinant
- Religious determinant
- Economic determinant
- Determinant of border land

The group of historical determinants that define Julian Slovenia or denote it should not be understood hierarchically but systematically, correlatively, despite periodical prevalence of influence of a separate determinant. Mutual effects of individual categories are in a complex treating of such small a space as Julian Slovenia, namely very intense. Such intensity of interactive influence reflects precisely in social processes in Julian Slovenia.

In regard of historical significance and in actualisation of contemporary trends in Julian Slovenia, the aspect of borderness is undoubtedly a component that has a multi-strata and very significant influence on the formation of Julian Slovenia as a whole. To be able to understand correctly and complexly that influence and comprehend it as a sort of creative a factor of mainly social-geographical features of Julian Slovenia, it is neccesary to understand the notion of border in Julian Slovenia as a formation of interactive processes between the boundary spaces, and of course at the same time as a phenomenon, which enabled social integration of environment to the political constitution – the state, regardless of content criteria of the space such as nationality and language aspects. Consequently, the long-standing presence of the border in Julian Slovenia definitely shaped a type of territorial behaviour of which is the border (a most typical or demonstrative case is smuggling – “contraband”; furthermore political identification and appurtenance that was connected with the status defined by the border, relation of the state policy to Julian Slovenia and to Slavic population in regard of the Bloc partition …). From the aspect of border and political contents, perhaps the most important period in Julian Slovenia is after World War II. The border that remained after the year 1954 has set another significant viewpoint that must be considered as it is gaining its legal recognition and protection as late as this day when borders are again in the process of reshaping. In question is of course the national minority, a fact that the political and state border and the aspect of national appurtenance have created. Such, political affirmation of the population in Julian Slovenia has a most significant influence precisely on the demographic structure and processes in Julian Slovenia.; on processes of preserving and changing identity, on demographic phenomena and on forming the demographic image of Julian Slovenia that has been denoted above all by the emptying of the region – by emigration.

The settlement structure of Julian Slovenia is markedly rural, with settlements of up to 100 inhabitants that form approximately 80% of the settlement structure. The settlements are organized on two altitude zones – between 100 and 300 metres height above sea level, and between 500 and 600 metres. We can find causes for such a distribution of settlements in natural factors connected with prevailing economic models, which were based on self-consumption – agriculture and stockbreeding. Insight into demographic structure demonstrates at first sight an obvious trend of lessening of population, which of course reflects in dilapidation of the village structure and villages in general. Increasing is the number of settlements with less than 50 inhabitants that present the core of colonisation of Julian Slovenia, with distinctly aged population. Towns present another aspect of the settlement and population genesis. The distribution of towns is linked to space, to relief favourable regions at passages of rivers from highlands to the plain where wide river valleys were formed that open into the flatland parts. However, the space aspect itself does not present the most significant element that contributes to the development of a town. Towns themselves contributed to demographic development of Julian Slovenia, not as settlement cores (in historical sense) but as carriers of the development of peripheral hinterlands, therefore in some way carriers of colonisation development. That is to say, they present gravitational regions of the entire Julian Slovenia.

For a complex understanding of modern demographic development of Julian Slovenia, an insight into the motion of demographic trends in a longer historical period is necessary. Julian Slovenia is defined as a region with distinctive decrease of number of population in the last 80 years. Julian Slovenia reached its demographic peak in the year 1921. Soon after, the process of demographic decline is triggered. To understand the demographic model, which defined the space of Julian Slovenia at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries, it is needed to look at a wider development as well in historical as in economic and political senses. The decay of the Venetian Republic and loss of defined political autonomy of Julian Slovenia were key components in keeping a large share of the population on an otherwise small region of Julian Slovenia. This is characteristic of the river Nadiža valleys in particular. The loss of autonomous deciding with the coming of Austro-Hungary also meant ruining of demographic stability. Besides the political determinant, an important factor that influences demographic changes is the economic factor. The evolutional stream of development was namely subjected to increasingly deepening changes, which the uplands regions in comparison to the flatland regions could not keep pace with. The image that developed in Julian Slovenia refereed to qualitative as well as to quantitative demographic changes. Although we are aware of a demographic increase up to the year 1921, the living standard of the inhabitants was in decrease, which was responsible for the progress of emigration processes.

Emigration in Julian Slovenia therefore developed on the one side as a strategic support to the mountainous survival economy, and on the other because of social political circumstances, which were sharpening and aggravating social development of the multicultural space of Julian Slovenia. A rough image of emigrating from Julian Slovenia indicates the interlacing of temporary and permanent emigration and formation of development phases that base on common characteristics of emigration in a given period.

We cannot neglect the fact data reveal about the irreversible depopulation process triggered and encouraged by emigration itself. Emigration that in Julian Slovenia changes periodically in regard of gender and age of emigrants strongly denotes not only the emptying of the region, therefore numerical decrease, but as well the shaping of social-economic standards in that space.

Demographic structure that reflects from the population statistics in the light of migration processes leans strongly on the in the previous chapter mentioned determinants, which are all along imbued by a strongly stressed economic logic of survival. The content treating of determinants that influenced the development of demographic structure and processes has a markedly systematic character. That means it is almost impossible to categorize qualitatively individual determinants and place them in evaluation scales. On the other hand, it is almost impossible to create a genuine, critical insight into the demographic body without a complex treatment of all mentioned determinants in an equal system. The ultimate population picture of Julian Slovenia and comprehending it also means we can timely predict the development of processes in the future. The new structurisation of the European space will offer such demographic landmarks as Julian Slovenia more than understanding for the bygone pathos.

ABSTRACT
Julian Slovenia presents one of the most distinctive emigration regions where reasons should be sought and evaluated in the systematic of the particular space. A complex understanding of the environment and of all its contents, demographic as well, demands as well vertical and horizontal approaches. In other words, comprehension of the entirety or, on the other hand of detailed space characteristics, should be built on a chronological basis and organisation of particular segments and contents.

The historical development of Julian Slovenia can be defined through seven different phases within which specific regional determinants were formed that denoted the social structure of Julian Slovenia in a certain period:

- Nationality determinant:
- Language determinant
- Political determinant
- Religious determinant
- Economic determinant
- Determinant of border land

The group of historical determinants that define Julian Slovenia or denote it should not be understood hierarchically but systematically, correlatively, despite periodical prevalence of influence of a separate determinant. Mutual effects of individual categories are in a complex treating of such small a space as Julian Slovenia, namely very intense. Such intensity of interactive influence reflects precisely in social processes in Julian Slovenia.

In regard of historical significance and in actualisation of contemporary trends in Julian Slovenia, the aspect of borderness is undoubtedly a component that has a multi-strata and very significant influence on the formation of Julian Slovenia as a whole. To be able to understand correctly and complexly that influence and comprehend it as a sort of creative a factor of mainly social-geographical features of Julian Slovenia, it is neccesary to understand the notion of border in Julian Slovenia as a formation of interactive processes between the boundary spaces, and of course at the same time as a phenomenon, which enabled social integration of environment to the political constitution – the state, regardless of content criteria of the space such as nationality and language aspects. Consequently, the long-standing presence of the border in Julian Slovenia definitely shaped a type of territorial behaviour of which is the border (a most typical or demonstrative case is smuggling – “contraband”; furthermore political identification and appurtenance that was connected with the status defined by the border, relation of the state policy to Julian Slovenia and to Slavic population in regard of the Bloc partition …). From the aspect of border and political contents, perhaps the most important period in Julian Slovenia is after World War II. The border that remained after the year 1954 has set another significant viewpoint that must be considered as it is gaining its legal recognition and protection as late as this day when borders are again in the process of reshaping. In question is of course the national minority, a fact that the political and state border and the aspect of national appurtenance have created. Such, political affirmation of the population in Julian Slovenia has a most significant influence precisely on the demographic structure and processes in Julian Slovenia.; on processes of preserving and changing identity, on demographic phenomena and on forming the demographic image of Julian Slovenia that has been denoted above all by the emptying of the region – by emigration.

The settlement structure of Julian Slovenia is markedly rural, with settlements of up to 100 inhabitants that form approximately 80% of the settlement structure. The settlements are organized on two altitude zones – between 100 and 300 metres height above sea level, and between 500 and 600 metres. We can find causes for such a distribution of settlements in natural factors connected with prevailing economic models, which were based on self-consumption – agriculture and stockbreeding. Insight into demographic structure demonstrates at first sight an obvious trend of lessening of population, which of course reflects in dilapidation of the village structure and villages in general. Increasing is the number of settlements with less than 50 inhabitants that present the core of colonisation of Julian Slovenia, with distinctly aged population. Towns present another aspect of the settlement and population genesis. The distribution of towns is linked to space, to relief favourable regions at passages of rivers from highlands to the plain where wide river valleys were formed that open into the flatland parts. However, the space aspect itself does not present the most significant element that contributes to the development of a town. Towns themselves contributed to demographic development of Julian Slovenia, not as settlement cores (in historical sense) but as carriers of the development of peripheral hinterlands, therefore in some way carriers of colonisation development. That is to say, they present gravitational regions of the entire Julian Slovenia.

For a complex understanding of modern demographic development of Julian Slovenia, an insight into the motion of demographic trends in a longer historical period is necessary. Julian Slovenia is defined as a region with distinctive decrease of number of population in the last 80 years. Julian Slovenia reached its demographic peak in the year 1921. Soon after, the process of demographic decline is triggered. To understand the demographic model, which defined the space of Julian Slovenia at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries, it is needed to look at a wider development as well in historical as in economic and political senses. The decay of the Venetian Republic and loss of defined political autonomy of Julian Slovenia were key components in keeping a large share of the population on an otherwise small region of Julian Slovenia. This is characteristic of the river Nadiža valleys in particular. The loss of autonomous deciding with the coming of Austro-Hungary also meant ruining of demographic stability. Besides the political determinant, an important factor that influences demographic changes is the economic factor. The evolutional stream of development was namely subjected to increasingly deepening changes, which the uplands regions in comparison to the flatland regions could not keep pace with. The image that developed in Julian Slovenia refereed to qualitative as well as to quantitative demographic changes. Although we are aware of a demographic increase up to the year 1921, the living standard of the inhabitants was in decrease, which was responsible for the progress of emigration processes.

Emigration in Julian Slovenia therefore developed on the one side as a strategic support to the mountainous survival economy, and on the other because of social political circumstances, which were sharpening and aggravating social development of the multicultural space of Julian Slovenia. A rough image of emigrating from Julian Slovenia indicates the interlacing of temporary and permanent emigration and formation of development phases that base on common characteristics of emigration in a given period.

We cannot neglect the fact data reveal about the irreversible depopulation process triggered and encouraged by emigration itself. Emigration that in Julian Slovenia changes periodically in regard of gender and age of emigrants strongly denotes not only the emptying of the region, therefore numerical decrease, but as well the shaping of social-economic standards in that space.

Demographic structure that reflects from the population statistics in the light of migration processes leans strongly on the in the previous chapter mentioned determinants, which are all along imbued by a strongly stressed economic logic of survival. The content treating of determinants that influenced the development of demographic structure and processes has a markedly systematic character. That means it is almost impossible to categorize qualitatively individual determinants and place them in evaluation scales. On the other hand, it is almost impossible to create a genuine, critical insight into the demographic body without a complex treatment of all mentioned determinants in an equal system. The ultimate population picture of Julian Slovenia and comprehending it also means we can timely predict the development of processes in the future. The new structurisation of the European space will offer such demographic landmarks as Julian Slovenia more than understanding for the bygone pathos.

ABSTRACT
The Gottscheer Germans (Kočevarji) lived as a linguistic island in the south east part of the present Slovenia for more than six hundred years, that is until their forced migration (1941/42) and afterwards withdrawal and extradition from Yugoslavia after 1945. From the 15th century on, they were known as peddlers; they also included themselves in mass emigration to the United States of America after the year 1880. One of the questions of emigration is in Slovenia appurtenance to the language of intercourse that Austrian censuses from the years 1880, 1890, 1900 and 1920 state. In 1890, 18.622 persons in the Gottschee region declared for German language as language of intercourse (of those, 1.210 in the town of Kočevje), and 1.587 for Slovene language (of those, only 103 persons in the town of Kočevje). Solely in the court circuit of Kočevje, 14.301 persons lived in 1890 who spoke German, and 4.895 persons who spoke Slovene. Therefore: as much as 72% of the population of the court district of Kočevje belonged to German language as language of intercourse. Alltogether 639 persons emigrated from that district in the years 1892 and 1893, which does not mean few in regard of early time of emigration. Two cases: in 1890, 526 persons of Slovene language and 409 persons of German language lived in the community Draga (Suchen), and 76 persons emigrated in the years 1892 and 1893; in the community Koprivnik (Nesselthal) where 1.738 persons of German language and only 115 persons of Slovene language lived in the same period, 50 persons left for the United States of America. From the entire district of Kočevje (consisting of court circuits of Kočevje, Ribnica and Velike Lašče), in the years 1892-1913 (by partly missing data), 76.195 persons emigrated form the province of Carniola, of those as many as 17.566 from the region of the Kočevje district, that is, almost a quarter (23,05%). In short, the Kočevje region stood out by number of emigrants among who the Gottschee Germans were strongly present. In the mentioned emigration wave from the district of Kočevje, there were in 1892 as many as 31,25% women, a year later 24,65% (according to American data, 81,6% men immigrated to the USA in the years 1898-1914 and only 18,4% women of the so-called “Slovene and Croatian race”). For the period 1892-1913, the Kočevje emigration wave consisted of as many as 64,77% of single young men and women. In the years 1892 and 1893, at the most daily agrarian workers left, following were maids, landowners, cottagers etc. The majority had no property. Shortly, young people and those with no means were the majority of emigrants in that early period of emigrating from the present Slovenia. Undoubtedly, the emigration wave of the Gottschee men and women presents in the time of mass emigration to the USA a significant share in the so-called Slovene emigration wave, which we must pay regard to in researching this phenomena on Slovene territory.

ABSTRACT
The Gottscheer Germans (Kočevarji) lived as a linguistic island in the south east part of the present Slovenia for more than six hundred years, that is until their forced migration (1941/42) and afterwards withdrawal and extradition from Yugoslavia after 1945. From the 15th century on, they were known as peddlers; they also included themselves in mass emigration to the United States of America after the year 1880. One of the questions of emigration is in Slovenia appurtenance to the language of intercourse that Austrian censuses from the years 1880, 1890, 1900 and 1920 state. In 1890, 18.622 persons in the Gottschee region declared for German language as language of intercourse (of those, 1.210 in the town of Kočevje), and 1.587 for Slovene language (of those, only 103 persons in the town of Kočevje). Solely in the court circuit of Kočevje, 14.301 persons lived in 1890 who spoke German, and 4.895 persons who spoke Slovene. Therefore: as much as 72% of the population of the court district of Kočevje belonged to German language as language of intercourse. Alltogether 639 persons emigrated from that district in the years 1892 and 1893, which does not mean few in regard of early time of emigration. Two cases: in 1890, 526 persons of Slovene language and 409 persons of German language lived in the community Draga (Suchen), and 76 persons emigrated in the years 1892 and 1893; in the community Koprivnik (Nesselthal) where 1.738 persons of German language and only 115 persons of Slovene language lived in the same period, 50 persons left for the United States of America. From the entire district of Kočevje (consisting of court circuits of Kočevje, Ribnica and Velike Lašče), in the years 1892-1913 (by partly missing data), 76.195 persons emigrated form the province of Carniola, of those as many as 17.566 from the region of the Kočevje district, that is, almost a quarter (23,05%). In short, the Kočevje region stood out by number of emigrants among who the Gottschee Germans were strongly present. In the mentioned emigration wave from the district of Kočevje, there were in 1892 as many as 31,25% women, a year later 24,65% (according to American data, 81,6% men immigrated to the USA in the years 1898-1914 and only 18,4% women of the so-called “Slovene and Croatian race”). For the period 1892-1913, the Kočevje emigration wave consisted of as many as 64,77% of single young men and women. In the years 1892 and 1893, at the most daily agrarian workers left, following were maids, landowners, cottagers etc. The majority had no property. Shortly, young people and those with no means were the majority of emigrants in that early period of emigrating from the present Slovenia. Undoubtedly, the emigration wave of the Gottschee men and women presents in the time of mass emigration to the USA a significant share in the so-called Slovene emigration wave, which we must pay regard to in researching this phenomena on Slovene territory.

ABSTRACT
Already the first scientific definition of culture as cited by Godina (1998: 84), “culture is a complex entirety, which contains knowledge, religion, art, morality, laws, customs and any other capacities and habits a human acquires as member of the society” (Tylor 1994/1871: 1), emphasizes besides learned habits and social character of culture, its transferability, transitiveness in diachronic and synchronic perspectives. The element of transitiveness is common to all later definitions of culture. In the article Slovenes in Tasmania, which is a summary of my diploma titled Ohranjanje etnične identitete Slovencev na avstralski Tasmaniji (Preserving ethnic identity of Slovenes in Australian Tasmania), I deal with the very problem of transferring and preserving culture in the sense of preservation of ethnic identity of Slovenes in Tasmania. In order to collect ethnographic material, I decided for fieldwork among Slovenes in Tasmania. From November 14th to December 19th 2002, I interviewed 32 informants and recorded 20 radio cassettes or 26.5 hours of material. After my return, the material was of fundamental significance as it directed the processing of data and the choosing of theories. Thus, my analysis began with answers and not with questions; facts defined theories and not vice versa. In the article, I focused on the ethnographic part of my diploma work. I have summed up the findings on life of Slovene emigrants in Tasmania in individual chapters and subchapters. The first pages thus give a short survey on migrations to Tasmania, and the present ethnic structure of the inhabitants. Follow a series of facts such as number, age, place of birth, place of residence, and duration of staying in Tasmania, education, work, marital status, and family life. The last part is issues that demand a more thorough analysis: the reason for coming to Tasmania, its experiencing then and today, language, knowledge of English language and learning, use of Slovene language then and today, transfer of Slovene language to children, names of children, mutual socializing and expressing appurtenance on community level, expressing appurtenance on personal level, contacts with Slovenia, comprehension of home – Slovenia or Australia.

In studying cases as mine, a compromise is logical between what should be ideal to research, and what is realistically feasible and still scientifically correct. Because of extensiveness of matter, I did not deal in particular with the history of migrations in Australia and Tasmania. Data on present ethnic structure in Tasmania are also merely informative. As well, I did not deal with surveying of emigration from Slovene ethnic space. I also know that if we wanted to study the entire process of transfer of Slovene culture on the one side and inclusion in Australian culture on the other, we should include in the research at least their descendants, that is, the second generation. It would be interesting to include in the research the “returnees” – those who have after a many-years stay in Tasmania returned to Slovenia. A comparison between different generations of emigrants was not carried out as the generation in Tasmania is by age relatively homogeneous.

The interviews have been recorded in as much as possible a relaxed atmosphere in their homes. There because I could observe their lodgings (that is – whether I would find something that would prove a Slovene lives there). Usually, the interviews that were on average over 50 minutes long were performed along some Slovene food and drink, listening to the music; it was their choice to show me what they wanted to. As a rule, I was in contact with my informants for at least a few days. My concluding thoughts I can summarize the following: the basic condition for a diachronic and synchronic transfer of a certain culture is the physical existence of its representatives. On the basis of data acquired during fieldwork in Tasmania I can summarize that because of relative old age of the informants and no influx of new emigrants to this insular state in the last ten years, there will be no Slovenes in Australian Tasmania in less than 50 years. For that reason too, the present article and the diploma work are one among rare but not sole records on a group of Slovenes in Tasmania.

ABSTRACT
Already the first scientific definition of culture as cited by Godina (1998: 84), “culture is a complex entirety, which contains knowledge, religion, art, morality, laws, customs and any other capacities and habits a human acquires as member of the society” (Tylor 1994/1871: 1), emphasizes besides learned habits and social character of culture, its transferability, transitiveness in diachronic and synchronic perspectives. The element of transitiveness is common to all later definitions of culture. In the article Slovenes in Tasmania, which is a summary of my diploma titled Ohranjanje etnične identitete Slovencev na avstralski Tasmaniji (Preserving ethnic identity of Slovenes in Australian Tasmania), I deal with the very problem of transferring and preserving culture in the sense of preservation of ethnic identity of Slovenes in Tasmania. In order to collect ethnographic material, I decided for fieldwork among Slovenes in Tasmania. From November 14th to December 19th 2002, I interviewed 32 informants and recorded 20 radio cassettes or 26.5 hours of material. After my return, the material was of fundamental significance as it directed the processing of data and the choosing of theories. Thus, my analysis began with answers and not with questions; facts defined theories and not vice versa. In the article, I focused on the ethnographic part of my diploma work. I have summed up the findings on life of Slovene emigrants in Tasmania in individual chapters and subchapters. The first pages thus give a short survey on migrations to Tasmania, and the present ethnic structure of the inhabitants. Follow a series of facts such as number, age, place of birth, place of residence, and duration of staying in Tasmania, education, work, marital status, and family life. The last part is issues that demand a more thorough analysis: the reason for coming to Tasmania, its experiencing then and today, language, knowledge of English language and learning, use of Slovene language then and today, transfer of Slovene language to children, names of children, mutual socializing and expressing appurtenance on community level, expressing appurtenance on personal level, contacts with Slovenia, comprehension of home – Slovenia or Australia.

In studying cases as mine, a compromise is logical between what should be ideal to research, and what is realistically feasible and still scientifically correct. Because of extensiveness of matter, I did not deal in particular with the history of migrations in Australia and Tasmania. Data on present ethnic structure in Tasmania are also merely informative. As well, I did not deal with surveying of emigration from Slovene ethnic space. I also know that if we wanted to study the entire process of transfer of Slovene culture on the one side and inclusion in Australian culture on the other, we should include in the research at least their descendants, that is, the second generation. It would be interesting to include in the research the “returnees” – those who have after a many-years stay in Tasmania returned to Slovenia. A comparison between different generations of emigrants was not carried out as the generation in Tasmania is by age relatively homogeneous.

The interviews have been recorded in as much as possible a relaxed atmosphere in their homes. There because I could observe their lodgings (that is – whether I would find something that would prove a Slovene lives there). Usually, the interviews that were on average over 50 minutes long were performed along some Slovene food and drink, listening to the music; it was their choice to show me what they wanted to. As a rule, I was in contact with my informants for at least a few days. My concluding thoughts I can summarize the following: the basic condition for a diachronic and synchronic transfer of a certain culture is the physical existence of its representatives. On the basis of data acquired during fieldwork in Tasmania I can summarize that because of relative old age of the informants and no influx of new emigrants to this insular state in the last ten years, there will be no Slovenes in Australian Tasmania in less than 50 years. For that reason too, the present article and the diploma work are one among rare but not sole records on a group of Slovenes in Tasmania.