ABSTRACT
Approximately 45 % of all non-Austrian residents in Austria are nationals of the former Yugoslavia and 17.5 % are of Turkish origin. This is largely due to Austria’s geographical location, its earlier policy of recruiting workers from abroad and the admission, in the early 1990s, of refugees from the former Yugoslavia.. The Austrian constitution stipulates that state schools have to be accessible to all pupils, regardless of their origin, sex, race, class, language or religious belief. School attendance is compulsory for nine years for all children who have their permanent residence in Austria, regardless of their nationality. The total number of pupils attending compulsory schools in 2002/03 whose mother tongue is a language other than German was 103 877 (15.2 % of all pupils).
Austrian education policy rejects the idea of segregation. Hence, pupils who are not Austrian nationals and who have a mother tongue other than German are not taught in separate schools or classes but are educated alongside their Austrian colleagues. By law, immigrant pupils shall be integrated and at the same time their cultural identity be conserved and promoted which often creates problems with the daily school routine. For this purpose, intercultural education was introduced as a so-called ‘educational principle’ in Austrian compulsory and academic secondary schools in the early 1990s. Intercultural education aims at a mutual understanding between pupils of various social, cultural and linguistic backgrounds. It also aims to make them aware of their similarities and differences and to reduce Eurocentrism and racism in Austrian schools.
Nevertheless, reality shows that there are still a lot of problems to solve. Foreign pupils have worse chances than their Austrian colleagues in the educational system, there is a lack of intercultural friendships among pupils which often leads to an outcast-situation for immigrant pupils, and also conflicts between expectations of immigrant families and the Western culture can be observed. This again leads to an alienation from families and/or integration and identity problems of immigrant pupils.
Hence, a number of measures in the field of educational policy has to be implemented. Thereby an intercultural approach, as a chance of mutual learning from all different cultures, is to be preferred.

ABSTRACT
Approximately 45 % of all non-Austrian residents in Austria are nationals of the former Yugoslavia and 17.5 % are of Turkish origin. This is largely due to Austria’s geographical location, its earlier policy of recruiting workers from abroad and the admission, in the early 1990s, of refugees from the former Yugoslavia.. The Austrian constitution stipulates that state schools have to be accessible to all pupils, regardless of their origin, sex, race, class, language or religious belief. School attendance is compulsory for nine years for all children who have their permanent residence in Austria, regardless of their nationality. The total number of pupils attending compulsory schools in 2002/03 whose mother tongue is a language other than German was 103 877 (15.2 % of all pupils).
Austrian education policy rejects the idea of segregation. Hence, pupils who are not Austrian nationals and who have a mother tongue other than German are not taught in separate schools or classes but are educated alongside their Austrian colleagues. By law, immigrant pupils shall be integrated and at the same time their cultural identity be conserved and promoted which often creates problems with the daily school routine. For this purpose, intercultural education was introduced as a so-called ‘educational principle’ in Austrian compulsory and academic secondary schools in the early 1990s. Intercultural education aims at a mutual understanding between pupils of various social, cultural and linguistic backgrounds. It also aims to make them aware of their similarities and differences and to reduce Eurocentrism and racism in Austrian schools.
Nevertheless, reality shows that there are still a lot of problems to solve. Foreign pupils have worse chances than their Austrian colleagues in the educational system, there is a lack of intercultural friendships among pupils which often leads to an outcast-situation for immigrant pupils, and also conflicts between expectations of immigrant families and the Western culture can be observed. This again leads to an alienation from families and/or integration and identity problems of immigrant pupils.
Hence, a number of measures in the field of educational policy has to be implemented. Thereby an intercultural approach, as a chance of mutual learning from all different cultures, is to be preferred.

ABSTRACT
In the contribution, the problematic of workers on temporary work abroad or emigrants is dealt with, which presented a significant composite part of the entire social policy in the social-economical development of the republic, communities and local communities. The coordination committee at the RK SZDL of Slovenia for the problematic of our workers on temporary work abroad as the basic connector of all separate carriers of activities in the SR Slovenia in that field was bringing into realisation its tasks by dealing with and monitoring the entire problematic in the field of going abroad for work from the less developed (Pomurje) and bordering regions of the SR of Slovenia. The socialist alliance differentiated politically between migrant workers and emigrants and consequently treated them differently. It was about different orientation as migrant workers wished to return to their homeland while emigrants aimed at staying abroad and acquire foreign citizenship. For the both different goals were being set: as regards emigrants, it was necessary to engage in the economic field, deal with the question of their return to the homeland and enable them equal rights as workers in the homeland.

ABSTRACT
In the contribution, the problematic of workers on temporary work abroad or emigrants is dealt with, which presented a significant composite part of the entire social policy in the social-economical development of the republic, communities and local communities. The coordination committee at the RK SZDL of Slovenia for the problematic of our workers on temporary work abroad as the basic connector of all separate carriers of activities in the SR Slovenia in that field was bringing into realisation its tasks by dealing with and monitoring the entire problematic in the field of going abroad for work from the less developed (Pomurje) and bordering regions of the SR of Slovenia. The socialist alliance differentiated politically between migrant workers and emigrants and consequently treated them differently. It was about different orientation as migrant workers wished to return to their homeland while emigrants aimed at staying abroad and acquire foreign citizenship. For the both different goals were being set: as regards emigrants, it was necessary to engage in the economic field, deal with the question of their return to the homeland and enable them equal rights as workers in the homeland.

ABSTRACT
The treatise deals with Slovene women who immigrated to Greece because of marriage. The author attempts to present emigrant women that migrated singly not knowing one of another. The reasons for leaving were entirely personal, that is marriage with a Greek; they were not of political or economic nature. Only those immigrants that moved to Greece and remained there were included in the study. Their initial impressions about Greece were idealistic but as soon as they began living in the new environment, disagreements between the immigrants and the husband’s families arose as well as with the wider Greek environment. Slovene women did not understand their customs and consequently they were not acting in accordance with the rules, and the Greek society did not understand and tolerate their conduct. In Greek society, their status was ambivalent. On the one hand they were critical towards them and therefore rapidly disapproved of their behaviour and on the other Slovene women were allowed a different conduct (more Slovene) or were forgiven and allowed some things because they were strangers. Despite all mentioned Slovene women had to conform to the Greek way of life and to new customs. Some of the customs such as those regarding Easter, social life and food, enriched their style of life while they accepted other habits by necessity; some customs they did not accept and persisted with their own (Slovene) ones. With years, they became similar to the Greeks, absorbed their way of communication, socialising and behaviour, took over some customs yet despite all mentioned distinctions preserved. Different was their style of communication, of conduct as well, and above all the mentality. That connected them with Slovenes and that is why they still feel Slovenes. Slovene women in Greece gradually acquainted with one another. Even a formal society of the Greek-Slovene friendship was established. Meetings were for them a form of sociability and as well of mutual solidarity as they exchanged experiences, had conversations in Slovene language and helped one another. The majority have preserved knowledge of Slovene language as at home they spoke Slovene with their children, some even with their husbands. They preserved contacts with Slovenia – with their families and friends with the help of correspondence and yearly visiting.

ABSTRACT
The treatise deals with Slovene women who immigrated to Greece because of marriage. The author attempts to present emigrant women that migrated singly not knowing one of another. The reasons for leaving were entirely personal, that is marriage with a Greek; they were not of political or economic nature. Only those immigrants that moved to Greece and remained there were included in the study. Their initial impressions about Greece were idealistic but as soon as they began living in the new environment, disagreements between the immigrants and the husband’s families arose as well as with the wider Greek environment. Slovene women did not understand their customs and consequently they were not acting in accordance with the rules, and the Greek society did not understand and tolerate their conduct. In Greek society, their status was ambivalent. On the one hand they were critical towards them and therefore rapidly disapproved of their behaviour and on the other Slovene women were allowed a different conduct (more Slovene) or were forgiven and allowed some things because they were strangers. Despite all mentioned Slovene women had to conform to the Greek way of life and to new customs. Some of the customs such as those regarding Easter, social life and food, enriched their style of life while they accepted other habits by necessity; some customs they did not accept and persisted with their own (Slovene) ones. With years, they became similar to the Greeks, absorbed their way of communication, socialising and behaviour, took over some customs yet despite all mentioned distinctions preserved. Different was their style of communication, of conduct as well, and above all the mentality. That connected them with Slovenes and that is why they still feel Slovenes. Slovene women in Greece gradually acquainted with one another. Even a formal society of the Greek-Slovene friendship was established. Meetings were for them a form of sociability and as well of mutual solidarity as they exchanged experiences, had conversations in Slovene language and helped one another. The majority have preserved knowledge of Slovene language as at home they spoke Slovene with their children, some even with their husbands. They preserved contacts with Slovenia – with their families and friends with the help of correspondence and yearly visiting.

ABSTRACT
The content of the contribution and reflection about the life path of Mariza Ličan, a teacher from Primorje (1942, Trnovo near Ilirska Bistrica – 2001, Sydney), immigrated to Australia in 1966, is interlaced with two stories: the story of Mariza Ličan, which is still in formation and being continually supplemented with new interviews and discussions with Mariza’s relatives and friends. This story reflects the ambitiousness of a young woman who marries an emigrant from the “neighbouring” village and leaves with him for to her unknown Australia. Her path in the Slovene community begins to ascend rapidly only a decade after her arrival in Australia when she again becomes what she had been at home: a teacher to children at Slovene clubs and societies and at a state secondary school. To this career, she adds a new one: in the middle of the seventies, she becomes a radio announcer in Slovene broadcasts in Sydney, and since then a dominant personality in the Slovene community. The married woman with no children takes over the function of transmitting of Slovene tradition not in the frame of the family but in the frame of the entire Slovene community. Precisely through her position we can follow the development, activity and decaying of the Slovene community in the state of New South Wales.

In the other story, which is a story about the development of different migration policies of the Australian government from the 18th century on, we can see how the ascent of Mariza Ličan coincided with the blossoming of multiculturalism in Australia, which strikes its roots in the extraordinary heterogeneous ethnic society in the seventies. Parallel with it, the interest of women immigrants in their equal, until then extremely neglected role in Australian “dominantly” male society increases. The contribution outlines and points out the principal observations on the status of women in Australian history and leaves contemporary comprehension of the issue to the continuation of the both stories in the future.

ABSTRACT
The content of the contribution and reflection about the life path of Mariza Ličan, a teacher from Primorje (1942, Trnovo near Ilirska Bistrica – 2001, Sydney), immigrated to Australia in 1966, is interlaced with two stories: the story of Mariza Ličan, which is still in formation and being continually supplemented with new interviews and discussions with Mariza’s relatives and friends. This story reflects the ambitiousness of a young woman who marries an emigrant from the “neighbouring” village and leaves with him for to her unknown Australia. Her path in the Slovene community begins to ascend rapidly only a decade after her arrival in Australia when she again becomes what she had been at home: a teacher to children at Slovene clubs and societies and at a state secondary school. To this career, she adds a new one: in the middle of the seventies, she becomes a radio announcer in Slovene broadcasts in Sydney, and since then a dominant personality in the Slovene community. The married woman with no children takes over the function of transmitting of Slovene tradition not in the frame of the family but in the frame of the entire Slovene community. Precisely through her position we can follow the development, activity and decaying of the Slovene community in the state of New South Wales.

In the other story, which is a story about the development of different migration policies of the Australian government from the 18th century on, we can see how the ascent of Mariza Ličan coincided with the blossoming of multiculturalism in Australia, which strikes its roots in the extraordinary heterogeneous ethnic society in the seventies. Parallel with it, the interest of women immigrants in their equal, until then extremely neglected role in Australian “dominantly” male society increases. The contribution outlines and points out the principal observations on the status of women in Australian history and leaves contemporary comprehension of the issue to the continuation of the both stories in the future.

ABSTRACT
The purpose of the article is to present the role and the perception of women in emigration as they reveal in their artistic activity or more precisely, in their poetry. From that aspect, the contribution presents the most important poetesses in emigration and deals in detail with the poetic opera of Milena Šoukal (Chicago, U.S.A.), Pavla Gruden (Australia) and Milena Merlak-Detela (Vienna). Their poems are presented in view of thematic and style and from the aspect of longing for the homeland, which reveals as a permanent theme in all Slovene emigrant poetry. The author compares the abundant yearning symbolic and metaphoric of the female emigrant poetry with motives of yearning with some Slovene poets and writers in the native land and finds some parallels and influences, for example France Prešeren, Ivan Cankar, and others. In the poems of Milena Šoukal, the longing for homeland is most frequently expressed by a symbol of a bird with a mutilated wing, or a symbol of the tenth child that had to leave home. In her last poems, the longing is connected with longing for conciliation with the homeland where the poet uses biblical symbolic of the four riders of the Apocalypse. In the haiku poems of Pavla Gruden, the longing for the homeland exhibits in her associative reminiscence of the native land: the scent of its air, soil, trees and its landscape. In other poems, the yearning for homeland is presented through picturing of longing because of remoteness from closest relatives, which especially deepens at Christmas time and in Easter; Catholic symbolic of an overfilled chalice and of a set sail that would bring the traveller home expresses it. In the poetry of Milena Merlak-Detela, the longing is not so much focused on returning to the native land; the author longs for purity of life of her childhood out of the tragedy of dwelling in which she found herself, guiltless and as prey of painful, brutal events in the world. She expresses the longing with symbols of the sun that in foreign parts does not warm as before, with a symbol of lost spring water, a symbol of caught shipwrecked people, and with sadness because of detachment from the homeland and from the grave of her mother.

A review of the poetry of Slovene poetesses in emigration shows that the motive of longing for the homeland is in emigrant situation more frequent and absorbed, particularly if it is a consequence of a forcible departure in the period after World War II, and an expression of fear that the native land is for an emigrant person for always lost. In that time, the motive of longing in female poetry frequently transgresses to poetic metaphor of seeking human’s homeland in religious ontological sense. In a way, the breath of Slovene homeland exhibits even with the youngest generations of displaced persons, born abroad who create in the languages of the new homelands – in Spanish, English, German, and other. Despite changed motifs, it shows in combination of temperaments of two worlds and in disguised anxiety as a heritage of bitter past of the ancestors.

ABSTRACT
The purpose of the article is to present the role and the perception of women in emigration as they reveal in their artistic activity or more precisely, in their poetry. From that aspect, the contribution presents the most important poetesses in emigration and deals in detail with the poetic opera of Milena Šoukal (Chicago, U.S.A.), Pavla Gruden (Australia) and Milena Merlak-Detela (Vienna). Their poems are presented in view of thematic and style and from the aspect of longing for the homeland, which reveals as a permanent theme in all Slovene emigrant poetry. The author compares the abundant yearning symbolic and metaphoric of the female emigrant poetry with motives of yearning with some Slovene poets and writers in the native land and finds some parallels and influences, for example France Prešeren, Ivan Cankar, and others. In the poems of Milena Šoukal, the longing for homeland is most frequently expressed by a symbol of a bird with a mutilated wing, or a symbol of the tenth child that had to leave home. In her last poems, the longing is connected with longing for conciliation with the homeland where the poet uses biblical symbolic of the four riders of the Apocalypse. In the haiku poems of Pavla Gruden, the longing for the homeland exhibits in her associative reminiscence of the native land: the scent of its air, soil, trees and its landscape. In other poems, the yearning for homeland is presented through picturing of longing because of remoteness from closest relatives, which especially deepens at Christmas time and in Easter; Catholic symbolic of an overfilled chalice and of a set sail that would bring the traveller home expresses it. In the poetry of Milena Merlak-Detela, the longing is not so much focused on returning to the native land; the author longs for purity of life of her childhood out of the tragedy of dwelling in which she found herself, guiltless and as prey of painful, brutal events in the world. She expresses the longing with symbols of the sun that in foreign parts does not warm as before, with a symbol of lost spring water, a symbol of caught shipwrecked people, and with sadness because of detachment from the homeland and from the grave of her mother.

A review of the poetry of Slovene poetesses in emigration shows that the motive of longing for the homeland is in emigrant situation more frequent and absorbed, particularly if it is a consequence of a forcible departure in the period after World War II, and an expression of fear that the native land is for an emigrant person for always lost. In that time, the motive of longing in female poetry frequently transgresses to poetic metaphor of seeking human’s homeland in religious ontological sense. In a way, the breath of Slovene homeland exhibits even with the youngest generations of displaced persons, born abroad who create in the languages of the new homelands – in Spanish, English, German, and other. Despite changed motifs, it shows in combination of temperaments of two worlds and in disguised anxiety as a heritage of bitter past of the ancestors.