ABSTRACT
Among Croatian emigrants and their descendants in Chile and in the Republic of South Africa (RSA), a survey has been carried out in the period after the Croatian war of Independence to the international recognition of the Republic of Croatia with the aim of establishing the existence/non-existence of certain forms of national/ethnic identity. We have compared the answers of the respondents to define the degree of congruency of the questionnaire answers of two different emigrant groups.
By comparing the two researches, we have concluded that the emigrant population in RSA and in Chile have some distinctive characteristics: generation appurtenance, education, period of emigration, length of stay in the immigrant state. These factors have influenced directly on the degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity of emigrants as well as on the manner of demonstration of it.
The emigrant population in RSA is composed mainly of emigrants coming in after World War II. In RSA, that population was firmly connected with the Croatian Catholic Church, which was at the same time the main communal centre for assembling of the emigrants. The degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity among them is high. A large percentage of them are Croatian citizens, they know and speak Croatian language, and their children do so as well, and have great pretensions about returning to the homeland. In Chile, the number of emigrants arrived after World War II is small. The majority are born in Chile and are members of the second, third and fourth generations. They are mainly Chilean citizens, they do not speak and communicate in Croatian language, and the number of those that would return to Croatia is small. Despite previously alleged characteristic factors, we find congruency/accordance in the answers to the questions: membership in societies, degree of contentment accomplished in the immigrant state, preservation of ethnic customs within families, level of information on events in Croatia. These answers confirm the existence of a firm ethnic essence with the both surveyed populations. With both emigrant populations, we find a large number of members of Croatian emigrant societies through which they manifest their ethnic/national appurtenance. In RSA, the Croatian Catholic Church is the principle initiator for the assembling of emigrants while in Chile the majority of emigrant societies originate from the self-initiative wish of the emigrants to preserve their ethnic identity. They are mainly intellectuals; consequently, their societies have similar features (society of professionals of Croatian origin, Croatian-Chilean institute of culture, and similar). Within the both emigrant populations, the degree of contentment with the position and with the achieved in the immigrant state is high. Likewise, both emigrant populations are well informed on events in the homeland, the majority are in regular contacts with their families, and practice Croatian traditions within families.

ABSTRACT
Among Croatian emigrants and their descendants in Chile and in the Republic of South Africa (RSA), a survey has been carried out in the period after the Croatian war of Independence to the international recognition of the Republic of Croatia with the aim of establishing the existence/non-existence of certain forms of national/ethnic identity. We have compared the answers of the respondents to define the degree of congruency of the questionnaire answers of two different emigrant groups.
By comparing the two researches, we have concluded that the emigrant population in RSA and in Chile have some distinctive characteristics: generation appurtenance, education, period of emigration, length of stay in the immigrant state. These factors have influenced directly on the degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity of emigrants as well as on the manner of demonstration of it.
The emigrant population in RSA is composed mainly of emigrants coming in after World War II. In RSA, that population was firmly connected with the Croatian Catholic Church, which was at the same time the main communal centre for assembling of the emigrants. The degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity among them is high. A large percentage of them are Croatian citizens, they know and speak Croatian language, and their children do so as well, and have great pretensions about returning to the homeland. In Chile, the number of emigrants arrived after World War II is small. The majority are born in Chile and are members of the second, third and fourth generations. They are mainly Chilean citizens, they do not speak and communicate in Croatian language, and the number of those that would return to Croatia is small. Despite previously alleged characteristic factors, we find congruency/accordance in the answers to the questions: membership in societies, degree of contentment accomplished in the immigrant state, preservation of ethnic customs within families, level of information on events in Croatia. These answers confirm the existence of a firm ethnic essence with the both surveyed populations. With both emigrant populations, we find a large number of members of Croatian emigrant societies through which they manifest their ethnic/national appurtenance. In RSA, the Croatian Catholic Church is the principle initiator for the assembling of emigrants while in Chile the majority of emigrant societies originate from the self-initiative wish of the emigrants to preserve their ethnic identity. They are mainly intellectuals; consequently, their societies have similar features (society of professionals of Croatian origin, Croatian-Chilean institute of culture, and similar). Within the both emigrant populations, the degree of contentment with the position and with the achieved in the immigrant state is high. Likewise, both emigrant populations are well informed on events in the homeland, the majority are in regular contacts with their families, and practice Croatian traditions within families.

ABSTRACT
The article presents the development of immigration to Slovenia after World War II from the aspect of influences on birth rate in Slovenia. It analyses the immigration to Slovenia and based on comparison of birth rates of individual ethnic groups in Slovenia, defines the role of those in the collective birth rate in Slovenia. Stress is on the comparison of birth rates of the immigrated population and the majority population in Slovenia. The results offer a basis for a conclusion that immigration to Slovenia did not prolong or stop the demographic transition in Slovenia as is frequently presumed, but caused changes were even more distinctive. We can prove that by generational values of final descendants, which show that the curve of decrease of final offspring descended evenly, and that in regard of increased extent of generations by number most growing since the immigration those within age groups did not increase final offspring. Transversal data show coincidence of standstill in decrease of collective birth rate with periods of copious immigration to Slovenia – that is in the 1970ies. A deepened analysis shows that age effect had the most significant role, which was not in direct connection with immigration.
The collective birth rate with a stagnation in the 1970ies decreased rapidly already in the first half of 1980ies, which is in contrast with the then existing trend of rapid growth of number of immigrants. Some authors ascertained that in the period from the end of the 1960ies and 1970ies the correlation between birth rate and immigration was negative, and in 1980ies high and positive. Necessary to remind here is that the 1980s situation cannot be excluded from the entirety, as arbitrary decision on time interval of observing impacts strongly on the results. How to explain otherwise the relatively high and rapid increase of migration balance in the “first” period with general decrease of value of collective birth rate in Slovenia along simultaneous decline and coincidence of value of collective birth rate and migration balance? The 1980ies situation should therefore not be generalized on the 1970ies situation. Such generalization induces a thesis that with the decline of immigration, birth rate decreased as well. Such a thesis is in utter contradiction with the situation in the 1970ies when immigration increased rapidly and despite so the birth rate decreased.
From an integral viewpoint, immigration actually influenced on shortening of demographic transition and caused an abrupt transition into the next demographic transition. That immigrations actually could not stop the demographic transition is seen from data on final descendants of female immigrants. That is, as we have shown, in average lower from the one with Slovene women.
This means the very opposite, namely that the immigrant women contributed to a rapid decline of transversal birth rate values in the 1980ies. Evaluating the influences of immigration on the course of demographic transition through the entire birth rate is problematic for several reasons. The most important is that transversal indicators are under strong influence of momentary factors, especially of changes of average age of mothers at childbirth. The influence of these changes is so enormous that a yearly value can be over- or underestimated for over a tenth. That is essentially more than quantitative changes in birth rate, which are by their nature long range, and which is also confirmed by longitudinal indicators, can influence on the value of collective birth rate.

ABSTRACT
The article presents the development of immigration to Slovenia after World War II from the aspect of influences on birth rate in Slovenia. It analyses the immigration to Slovenia and based on comparison of birth rates of individual ethnic groups in Slovenia, defines the role of those in the collective birth rate in Slovenia. Stress is on the comparison of birth rates of the immigrated population and the majority population in Slovenia. The results offer a basis for a conclusion that immigration to Slovenia did not prolong or stop the demographic transition in Slovenia as is frequently presumed, but caused changes were even more distinctive. We can prove that by generational values of final descendants, which show that the curve of decrease of final offspring descended evenly, and that in regard of increased extent of generations by number most growing since the immigration those within age groups did not increase final offspring. Transversal data show coincidence of standstill in decrease of collective birth rate with periods of copious immigration to Slovenia – that is in the 1970ies. A deepened analysis shows that age effect had the most significant role, which was not in direct connection with immigration.
The collective birth rate with a stagnation in the 1970ies decreased rapidly already in the first half of 1980ies, which is in contrast with the then existing trend of rapid growth of number of immigrants. Some authors ascertained that in the period from the end of the 1960ies and 1970ies the correlation between birth rate and immigration was negative, and in 1980ies high and positive. Necessary to remind here is that the 1980s situation cannot be excluded from the entirety, as arbitrary decision on time interval of observing impacts strongly on the results. How to explain otherwise the relatively high and rapid increase of migration balance in the “first” period with general decrease of value of collective birth rate in Slovenia along simultaneous decline and coincidence of value of collective birth rate and migration balance? The 1980ies situation should therefore not be generalized on the 1970ies situation. Such generalization induces a thesis that with the decline of immigration, birth rate decreased as well. Such a thesis is in utter contradiction with the situation in the 1970ies when immigration increased rapidly and despite so the birth rate decreased.
From an integral viewpoint, immigration actually influenced on shortening of demographic transition and caused an abrupt transition into the next demographic transition. That immigrations actually could not stop the demographic transition is seen from data on final descendants of female immigrants. That is, as we have shown, in average lower from the one with Slovene women.
This means the very opposite, namely that the immigrant women contributed to a rapid decline of transversal birth rate values in the 1980ies. Evaluating the influences of immigration on the course of demographic transition through the entire birth rate is problematic for several reasons. The most important is that transversal indicators are under strong influence of momentary factors, especially of changes of average age of mothers at childbirth. The influence of these changes is so enormous that a yearly value can be over- or underestimated for over a tenth. That is essentially more than quantitative changes in birth rate, which are by their nature long range, and which is also confirmed by longitudinal indicators, can influence on the value of collective birth rate.

ABSTRACT
Inconvenient demographic trends in Europe, particularly low fertility rates, ageing society, and their social consequences are more and more highly debated in political and academic arenas. Beside pronatalist measures, immigration policies are amongst the most likely scenarios that could solve this demographic situation in Europe. However, neither the European public opinion nor the governments of the EU support open immigration. In this line, the authors of the essay interpret the attitudes of respondents towards immigrants in the frame of the international survey The Population Policy Acceptance. The authors assume that the attitudes towards immigrants are underlined also by the individual's assessment of fertility behaviour, partnership, gender roles and children. Namely, the ideologies on national identity through discussions on national reproduction implicitly determine also the outsiders (immigrants, minorities, foreigners, asylum seekers), defining who should be reproduced and to what extent.
The study was carried out in eight countries (Austria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia) during the year 2000 and 2003. The review of recent theoretical approaches pertaining to the attitudes towards foreigners leads the authors to formulate some basic hypotheses to test the relations between the attitudes towards immigrants on the one hand, and the attitudes related to fertility, partnership, gender roles and children on the other hand. The analysis shows that the negative assessments of immigrants strongly prevail over the positive assessments. The bivariate correlation analysis further reveals that the negative attitudes towards immigrants increase in conjunction with the rise of support of traditional gender roles, negative evaluation of changes in partnership behaviour (increasing divorces, decline of marriages, childlessness, increasing births out of wedlock), and the meaning of children for parents. Contrary to authors’ initial expectation, the relation between attitudes towards immigrants and fertility behaviour proves one among the most weak in all countries included in the survey. This result is in accord with those researchers who emphasize the paradox of public negative reaction to immigrants in Europe in the time when immigration is considered as one among the most likely solution of unfavourable demographic trends in Europe. The results obtained also call for more systematic studying the representations of national identities or/and national populations and national communities. Through the discussions on national reproduction, “proper” attitudes towards motherhood, family forms, gender roles and finally outsiders are defined.

ABSTRACT
Inconvenient demographic trends in Europe, particularly low fertility rates, ageing society, and their social consequences are more and more highly debated in political and academic arenas. Beside pronatalist measures, immigration policies are amongst the most likely scenarios that could solve this demographic situation in Europe. However, neither the European public opinion nor the governments of the EU support open immigration. In this line, the authors of the essay interpret the attitudes of respondents towards immigrants in the frame of the international survey The Population Policy Acceptance. The authors assume that the attitudes towards immigrants are underlined also by the individual's assessment of fertility behaviour, partnership, gender roles and children. Namely, the ideologies on national identity through discussions on national reproduction implicitly determine also the outsiders (immigrants, minorities, foreigners, asylum seekers), defining who should be reproduced and to what extent.
The study was carried out in eight countries (Austria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia) during the year 2000 and 2003. The review of recent theoretical approaches pertaining to the attitudes towards foreigners leads the authors to formulate some basic hypotheses to test the relations between the attitudes towards immigrants on the one hand, and the attitudes related to fertility, partnership, gender roles and children on the other hand. The analysis shows that the negative assessments of immigrants strongly prevail over the positive assessments. The bivariate correlation analysis further reveals that the negative attitudes towards immigrants increase in conjunction with the rise of support of traditional gender roles, negative evaluation of changes in partnership behaviour (increasing divorces, decline of marriages, childlessness, increasing births out of wedlock), and the meaning of children for parents. Contrary to authors’ initial expectation, the relation between attitudes towards immigrants and fertility behaviour proves one among the most weak in all countries included in the survey. This result is in accord with those researchers who emphasize the paradox of public negative reaction to immigrants in Europe in the time when immigration is considered as one among the most likely solution of unfavourable demographic trends in Europe. The results obtained also call for more systematic studying the representations of national identities or/and national populations and national communities. Through the discussions on national reproduction, “proper” attitudes towards motherhood, family forms, gender roles and finally outsiders are defined.

ABSTRACT
Researching of migrations has experienced in the 20th century a bloom; on the foundation of previous researches, several new theories emerged, which tried to explain individual segments of migrations or the entire occurrences. One such theory was responsible for the emergence of the migration systems theory, which was encouraged by a group of researchers gathered in the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population. Within the frame of debating on applicability, advantage and efficiency of the theory, a debate developed about the history of the development of migration theories, as based on new findings, possibilities of faster processing of data and stressing of globalisation, new ways were being sought. The discussion, which actually trailed from 1987, was to the benefit of migration studies because the opinion prevailed that theories in the case of migrations cannot comprise everything and everyone although they take place in a global society. Such research approach was considered as a solution to all the unsolved problems and mysteries of migrations before it was at all clear what the methods were, which data to use, where the borders were, and what at all the results reveal.
The theory, which was in the beginning by the opinions of researchers much promising, soon experienced a run of critiques. However, this is a component part of the process of developing migration theories, on which basis new findings and approaches emerge. Originating from it are new trends in researching international migrations. These speak mainly of social capital, nets and connectedness between migrants.

ABSTRACT
Researching of migrations has experienced in the 20th century a bloom; on the foundation of previous researches, several new theories emerged, which tried to explain individual segments of migrations or the entire occurrences. One such theory was responsible for the emergence of the migration systems theory, which was encouraged by a group of researchers gathered in the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population. Within the frame of debating on applicability, advantage and efficiency of the theory, a debate developed about the history of the development of migration theories, as based on new findings, possibilities of faster processing of data and stressing of globalisation, new ways were being sought. The discussion, which actually trailed from 1987, was to the benefit of migration studies because the opinion prevailed that theories in the case of migrations cannot comprise everything and everyone although they take place in a global society. Such research approach was considered as a solution to all the unsolved problems and mysteries of migrations before it was at all clear what the methods were, which data to use, where the borders were, and what at all the results reveal.
The theory, which was in the beginning by the opinions of researchers much promising, soon experienced a run of critiques. However, this is a component part of the process of developing migration theories, on which basis new findings and approaches emerge. Originating from it are new trends in researching international migrations. These speak mainly of social capital, nets and connectedness between migrants.

ABSTRACT
Presented in the article are the preset results of a field research titled “The position of Slovenes outside the territory of autochthon settlement – the case of Slovenes in Szombathely” with emphasis on the position of Slovenian women, which was carried out in the year 2002.
The objectives of the research were to determine and evaluate above all the grounds for the emigrating of Slovenian from Porabje to town areas in Hungary in different periods, to register difficulties individuals were forced to confront with in majority environments in view of national appurtenance, and to study primarily those socialisation factors (minority organisations, media, family) that (can) contribute to the preserving of ethnic characteristics.
A qualitative analysis of personal interviews with nine Slovenian women from Porabje indicates that the majority of them (mainly members of the younger generation) have moved to Szombathely in the 80s of the 20th century while the rest (above all of the older generation) from the second half of the 40s to the 70s of the 20th century. Among causes, the majority stressed the economic factor, only in few cases motives were political, marriage, transfer of spouse to Szombathely, and similar.
The majority did not have negative experiences because of national appurtenance except one woman of the older generation who did not dare speak with her Slovenian co-worker in the Porabje dialect due to fear of consequences.
Positive changes in the sphere of legal protection of minorities in Hungary contributed at the beginning of the 90s to political and cultural organizing, first in Porabje and in Budapest, and after the adoption of the Law on national and ethnic minorities in Hungary (1993) in other regions in Hungary as well, above all in larger towns (among which belongs Szombathely). The founding and the activity of the Slovenian minority self-management and the Slovenian cultural society Avgust Pavel in Szombathely witness on vitality of this dispersed town community.
The analysis of personal interviews confirms that Slovenian women in Szombathely are in comparison to Slovenian men in Szombathely more active in the process of preservation of ethnic characteristics and in mediating those to the younger generations as well.

ABSTRACT
Presented in the article are the preset results of a field research titled “The position of Slovenes outside the territory of autochthon settlement – the case of Slovenes in Szombathely” with emphasis on the position of Slovenian women, which was carried out in the year 2002.
The objectives of the research were to determine and evaluate above all the grounds for the emigrating of Slovenian from Porabje to town areas in Hungary in different periods, to register difficulties individuals were forced to confront with in majority environments in view of national appurtenance, and to study primarily those socialisation factors (minority organisations, media, family) that (can) contribute to the preserving of ethnic characteristics.
A qualitative analysis of personal interviews with nine Slovenian women from Porabje indicates that the majority of them (mainly members of the younger generation) have moved to Szombathely in the 80s of the 20th century while the rest (above all of the older generation) from the second half of the 40s to the 70s of the 20th century. Among causes, the majority stressed the economic factor, only in few cases motives were political, marriage, transfer of spouse to Szombathely, and similar.
The majority did not have negative experiences because of national appurtenance except one woman of the older generation who did not dare speak with her Slovenian co-worker in the Porabje dialect due to fear of consequences.
Positive changes in the sphere of legal protection of minorities in Hungary contributed at the beginning of the 90s to political and cultural organizing, first in Porabje and in Budapest, and after the adoption of the Law on national and ethnic minorities in Hungary (1993) in other regions in Hungary as well, above all in larger towns (among which belongs Szombathely). The founding and the activity of the Slovenian minority self-management and the Slovenian cultural society Avgust Pavel in Szombathely witness on vitality of this dispersed town community.
The analysis of personal interviews confirms that Slovenian women in Szombathely are in comparison to Slovenian men in Szombathely more active in the process of preservation of ethnic characteristics and in mediating those to the younger generations as well.