ABSTRACT
With children of Slovene emigrants in Australia who came to the south continent mainly in the 50ies, 60ies and 70ies of the 20th century, we can follow a dynamic sensation of appurtenance, which is not unchangeably liable to certain patterns of the culture but can successfully steer between different aspects of that culture and among cultures themselves. In Australian society, already with the second generation Slovene ethnicity exhibits as flexible, symbolic and voluntary. On the one hand, it is still based on their personal experiences connected with primary families and with the past, and on the other that same generation is experiencing ethnicity on another level, which frequently includes in public image of individuals. Identification with a certain ethnic group became in modern society at least fictive if not realistic a surety of broader understandings and global aspects. The media as well of the majority as the minority - ethnic, frequently influence on such a conviction as they bring it into public sphere. Ethnic media are active upon a much smaller population yet they reinforce ethnic identity in many ethnic groups and build public image of individual cultures. In the past, of ethnic programmes, radio ones were of greater importance. Today it seems their position is taken over by newer media.

One of many ethnic groups that create their own ethnic programme on two radio stations in Melbourne in Australia, the SBS and 3YYY, is the Slovene. The Slovene ethnic radio media serves almost exclusively the Slovene emigrants of the first generation and therefore does not include members of the second and third generations that at least partially identify themselves with this ethnicity. The characteristics of the Slovene programme are linked to physical proximity and to stereotype, traditional forms. As such, the Slovene ethnic radio programme does not influence in a larger proportion on forming or preserving ethnic identity of the second and next generations. The internet could offer a new and somewhat different a dynamics in the Slovene community in Australia, especially with ethnically coloured web sites of Thezaurus that Slovenes in Melbourne create. Web pages create new space for communication, interaction and debate (with discussion forums). Yet it is for people of Slovene descent in Australia almost impossible to predict whether ethnically aware individuals will use the internet as a principal field for reinforcement of their multiple ethnic identities. Such web sites can become an interactive canal for acquiring complex information on Slovene culture, on the basis of which the younger generations form their opinion on it and thus choose and define their own ethnic identity.

ABSTRACT
With children of Slovene emigrants in Australia who came to the south continent mainly in the 50ies, 60ies and 70ies of the 20th century, we can follow a dynamic sensation of appurtenance, which is not unchangeably liable to certain patterns of the culture but can successfully steer between different aspects of that culture and among cultures themselves. In Australian society, already with the second generation Slovene ethnicity exhibits as flexible, symbolic and voluntary. On the one hand, it is still based on their personal experiences connected with primary families and with the past, and on the other that same generation is experiencing ethnicity on another level, which frequently includes in public image of individuals. Identification with a certain ethnic group became in modern society at least fictive if not realistic a surety of broader understandings and global aspects. The media as well of the majority as the minority - ethnic, frequently influence on such a conviction as they bring it into public sphere. Ethnic media are active upon a much smaller population yet they reinforce ethnic identity in many ethnic groups and build public image of individual cultures. In the past, of ethnic programmes, radio ones were of greater importance. Today it seems their position is taken over by newer media.

One of many ethnic groups that create their own ethnic programme on two radio stations in Melbourne in Australia, the SBS and 3YYY, is the Slovene. The Slovene ethnic radio media serves almost exclusively the Slovene emigrants of the first generation and therefore does not include members of the second and third generations that at least partially identify themselves with this ethnicity. The characteristics of the Slovene programme are linked to physical proximity and to stereotype, traditional forms. As such, the Slovene ethnic radio programme does not influence in a larger proportion on forming or preserving ethnic identity of the second and next generations. The internet could offer a new and somewhat different a dynamics in the Slovene community in Australia, especially with ethnically coloured web sites of Thezaurus that Slovenes in Melbourne create. Web pages create new space for communication, interaction and debate (with discussion forums). Yet it is for people of Slovene descent in Australia almost impossible to predict whether ethnically aware individuals will use the internet as a principal field for reinforcement of their multiple ethnic identities. Such web sites can become an interactive canal for acquiring complex information on Slovene culture, on the basis of which the younger generations form their opinion on it and thus choose and define their own ethnic identity.

ABSTRACT
The article is derived from the recently concluded research – a post doctorate project – titled Sodobni (slovenski) misijonar kot izseljenec (The modern (Slovene) missionary as an emigrant). Its intention is to present and describe the missionary above all as an individual, representative of a certain culture who in his/her otherwise voluntary position finds him/herself in a unique cultural dilemma. Like everybody, he initially experiences a cultural shock, and after that, he is put before for an “emigrant” expressively atypical task: as a carrier of a defined mission, he is obliged to preserve his own cultural identity and to announce his “message”. He can achieve this most easily – which is with the issue most interesting and paradoxical - with a great proportion of empathy and adaptation in domestic culture, which inevitably makes a greater or lesser impression on him and thus influences on his personal identity.

The article finds out that rules of assimilation valid in all other migration situations, in such cases do not apply mainly because of the cause itself (temporary and in some cases permanent) emigration from the source missionary’s culture. The research brings some interesting observations and results. For example, it resumes that Slovene missionaries are practically in any culture they appear in known as open, as well as for languages as for local customs, they have a direct, “partner” relation with the locals. Missionaries themselves are of opinion that in such a context there is with missionaries an obvious difference between members of former colonial states and members of a small (Slovene) nation that was in its entire history compelled to accept external influences and to adjust.

The author who has met in the past more or less casually some Slovene missionaries (Venezuela, Brazil, Chile, Argentina, Egypt, Botswana), performed within the research several semi structured interviews with missionaries during their holidays; a large part of primary documentary material is personal declarations – letters, poems, answers to questions and similar that missionaries themselves mediated to the researcher. The treatise deals in detail with the case of the missionary Sister Dorica Sever who is active among the Canadian Intuits in Repulse Bay, a settlement of 700 inhabitants (from May on in the “near” Gjoa Havn).

Organisational, social and pedagogical work presents a large part of missionary work, which can – if the locals are seeing the missionary only “over an empty plate” – present “danger” for the basic mission, announcing (Christian, Catholic) religion. In the case of Sister Dorica Sever, a different social-political environment is in question as Canada is among most social states of the world and in that sense takes good care of the mainly unemployed and in small artificial settlements captured Inuits. The stereotype of “hungry Negroes” in this case does not blur the questions connected with religion and its announcing for the locals are materially relatively well “supplied”, regardless of the fact that they are entirely dependent on state aid.

The missionary is far away from home even more aware of her Slovene identity although she is of opinion that identity presents a burden to the religious message she wishes to convey.

In contrast to another stereotype about missionaries as attenders of colonisation, we can see on the case of Sister Dorica Sever that (modern Slovene) missionaries are actually pronounced “antiglobalists” as they are trying to implant in the culturally confused Inuits or other disregarded nations self respect, love for their own language, nation and customs.

Missionaries frequently interlace their “teacher” position with the experience of the “learner” because in the very culture of the natives they are seeking new cognitions and supplementing of their own spiritual, cultural and intellectual knowledge or even sensation. Connected with this is another observation, namely for almost every male or female missionary, the truly powerful cultural shock is the one they experience when returning into source environment.

The article is enriched with a letter from the missionary and with a supplementary interview with her, taken in the mission in Repulse Bay.

ABSTRACT
The article is derived from the recently concluded research – a post doctorate project – titled Sodobni (slovenski) misijonar kot izseljenec (The modern (Slovene) missionary as an emigrant). Its intention is to present and describe the missionary above all as an individual, representative of a certain culture who in his/her otherwise voluntary position finds him/herself in a unique cultural dilemma. Like everybody, he initially experiences a cultural shock, and after that, he is put before for an “emigrant” expressively atypical task: as a carrier of a defined mission, he is obliged to preserve his own cultural identity and to announce his “message”. He can achieve this most easily – which is with the issue most interesting and paradoxical - with a great proportion of empathy and adaptation in domestic culture, which inevitably makes a greater or lesser impression on him and thus influences on his personal identity.

The article finds out that rules of assimilation valid in all other migration situations, in such cases do not apply mainly because of the cause itself (temporary and in some cases permanent) emigration from the source missionary’s culture. The research brings some interesting observations and results. For example, it resumes that Slovene missionaries are practically in any culture they appear in known as open, as well as for languages as for local customs, they have a direct, “partner” relation with the locals. Missionaries themselves are of opinion that in such a context there is with missionaries an obvious difference between members of former colonial states and members of a small (Slovene) nation that was in its entire history compelled to accept external influences and to adjust.

The author who has met in the past more or less casually some Slovene missionaries (Venezuela, Brazil, Chile, Argentina, Egypt, Botswana), performed within the research several semi structured interviews with missionaries during their holidays; a large part of primary documentary material is personal declarations – letters, poems, answers to questions and similar that missionaries themselves mediated to the researcher. The treatise deals in detail with the case of the missionary Sister Dorica Sever who is active among the Canadian Intuits in Repulse Bay, a settlement of 700 inhabitants (from May on in the “near” Gjoa Havn).

Organisational, social and pedagogical work presents a large part of missionary work, which can – if the locals are seeing the missionary only “over an empty plate” – present “danger” for the basic mission, announcing (Christian, Catholic) religion. In the case of Sister Dorica Sever, a different social-political environment is in question as Canada is among most social states of the world and in that sense takes good care of the mainly unemployed and in small artificial settlements captured Inuits. The stereotype of “hungry Negroes” in this case does not blur the questions connected with religion and its announcing for the locals are materially relatively well “supplied”, regardless of the fact that they are entirely dependent on state aid.

The missionary is far away from home even more aware of her Slovene identity although she is of opinion that identity presents a burden to the religious message she wishes to convey.

In contrast to another stereotype about missionaries as attenders of colonisation, we can see on the case of Sister Dorica Sever that (modern Slovene) missionaries are actually pronounced “antiglobalists” as they are trying to implant in the culturally confused Inuits or other disregarded nations self respect, love for their own language, nation and customs.

Missionaries frequently interlace their “teacher” position with the experience of the “learner” because in the very culture of the natives they are seeking new cognitions and supplementing of their own spiritual, cultural and intellectual knowledge or even sensation. Connected with this is another observation, namely for almost every male or female missionary, the truly powerful cultural shock is the one they experience when returning into source environment.

The article is enriched with a letter from the missionary and with a supplementary interview with her, taken in the mission in Repulse Bay.

ABSTRACT
The text is based on the interviews with Slovenian immigrant mothers, teachers and experts and with a principal and a teacher of English as a second language in New York City, Cleveland, Ohio and Washington D.C., conducted in spring 2004. That was a field work for the research project »Equity in educational systems – a comparative study«, which also focuses on equity concerning ethnicity in USA, Sweden, Australia and of course, Slovenia. Experiences of Slovenian immigrants in these countries are of utmost interest as is the historical context of their narratives. I have chosen the period after 1960 since it is the time of crucial social and political changes in the U.S.A, which brought multiculturalism into schools and new ethnicities on the streets. The interviewees are describing the differences that started after 1970. in regard to the ethnic origins of students in school. For a century, the general goals of public schooling were assimilation and acculturation and that started to change. First, there were radical projects and cultural wars among those who wanted public schooling more ethnic oriented and the opponents who insisted that school had to provide the same, civic education for all future citizens of the U.S.A. The interviewees have had in general very good experiences with the American schools from Pre-K to the High School level. They stressed the fact that in the period after 1970 they felt positive attitude concerning ethnic, religious and cultural differences of students and they praised the special attention that was given to those with English as a second language. The experiences of Slovenian immigrants of this period are very positive also because as educated, white and culturally »compatible« people, they were most welcomed by the host country and did not face many problems in general.

ABSTRACT
The text is based on the interviews with Slovenian immigrant mothers, teachers and experts and with a principal and a teacher of English as a second language in New York City, Cleveland, Ohio and Washington D.C., conducted in spring 2004. That was a field work for the research project »Equity in educational systems – a comparative study«, which also focuses on equity concerning ethnicity in USA, Sweden, Australia and of course, Slovenia. Experiences of Slovenian immigrants in these countries are of utmost interest as is the historical context of their narratives. I have chosen the period after 1960 since it is the time of crucial social and political changes in the U.S.A, which brought multiculturalism into schools and new ethnicities on the streets. The interviewees are describing the differences that started after 1970. in regard to the ethnic origins of students in school. For a century, the general goals of public schooling were assimilation and acculturation and that started to change. First, there were radical projects and cultural wars among those who wanted public schooling more ethnic oriented and the opponents who insisted that school had to provide the same, civic education for all future citizens of the U.S.A. The interviewees have had in general very good experiences with the American schools from Pre-K to the High School level. They stressed the fact that in the period after 1970 they felt positive attitude concerning ethnic, religious and cultural differences of students and they praised the special attention that was given to those with English as a second language. The experiences of Slovenian immigrants of this period are very positive also because as educated, white and culturally »compatible« people, they were most welcomed by the host country and did not face many problems in general.

ABSTRACT
The entire Australian society is essentially marked by three periods in regard of dealing with immigrants; they go from the policy of white Australia to non-discriminatory immigration policy, called Australian multiculturalism. All mentioned periods substantially influence the Australian education system as well. Australia has long ago accepted the standpoint that mastering English language is the key to a complex participation in Australian society. What is new in multiculturalism policy in comparison to the previous two periods is that it does not demand oblivion of the cultures of immigrants. A variety of aspects of Australian way of life exists, which the newcomers must accept but at the same time it is anticipated that immigrants and their children might want to preserve their customs and tradition. That reflects in education as well. Multicultural education is not a part of the curriculum in the form of a specific subject, for example mathematics. Subjects, which at first sight reflect multiculturalism most are English language as a second language (ESL) and languages other than English (LOTE). Multicultural education as such must be a composite part of all major education fields and must be reflected in the ethos of schools.

As researches indicate, school plays a significant role in learning English with children of parents who know little or no English language; with this connected is the anticipation that the children of immigrants will as adults include successfully in the labour market and in Australian society as a whole. Numerous programmes are formed for immigrant children, from enabling additional aid to pupils originating from non English speaking environments to English as a second language, which pupils attend instead of the “real” English, and English language schools and centres for newcomers. It is on the other hand possible to learn several other languages which pupils can take as graduation exams, with which the equality of languages and cultures is practised on the school level.

The Australian educational system most certainly exhibits a huge effort and tendency for equality of all ethnic communities, and leaves to the individual to decide which customs deriving from one’s heritage one will preserve and which one will change, which all indicates a wide openness of the Australian society. If the statement that a civilisation should be judged by its attitude towards minorities holds, there is certainly much effort invested in that direction. That does not mean there is no discrimination in Australian schools and society; this is one of the themes, which they cannot and do not want ever to avoid because of their multiculturalism, and which they at all times try to keep in the centre of attention and confront with it.

ABSTRACT
The entire Australian society is essentially marked by three periods in regard of dealing with immigrants; they go from the policy of white Australia to non-discriminatory immigration policy, called Australian multiculturalism. All mentioned periods substantially influence the Australian education system as well. Australia has long ago accepted the standpoint that mastering English language is the key to a complex participation in Australian society. What is new in multiculturalism policy in comparison to the previous two periods is that it does not demand oblivion of the cultures of immigrants. A variety of aspects of Australian way of life exists, which the newcomers must accept but at the same time it is anticipated that immigrants and their children might want to preserve their customs and tradition. That reflects in education as well. Multicultural education is not a part of the curriculum in the form of a specific subject, for example mathematics. Subjects, which at first sight reflect multiculturalism most are English language as a second language (ESL) and languages other than English (LOTE). Multicultural education as such must be a composite part of all major education fields and must be reflected in the ethos of schools.

As researches indicate, school plays a significant role in learning English with children of parents who know little or no English language; with this connected is the anticipation that the children of immigrants will as adults include successfully in the labour market and in Australian society as a whole. Numerous programmes are formed for immigrant children, from enabling additional aid to pupils originating from non English speaking environments to English as a second language, which pupils attend instead of the “real” English, and English language schools and centres for newcomers. It is on the other hand possible to learn several other languages which pupils can take as graduation exams, with which the equality of languages and cultures is practised on the school level.

The Australian educational system most certainly exhibits a huge effort and tendency for equality of all ethnic communities, and leaves to the individual to decide which customs deriving from one’s heritage one will preserve and which one will change, which all indicates a wide openness of the Australian society. If the statement that a civilisation should be judged by its attitude towards minorities holds, there is certainly much effort invested in that direction. That does not mean there is no discrimination in Australian schools and society; this is one of the themes, which they cannot and do not want ever to avoid because of their multiculturalism, and which they at all times try to keep in the centre of attention and confront with it.

ABSTRACT
My attempt was to demonstrate in the contribution what significance a group of the “advanced” gathered around for years long only newspaper of Julian Slovenes, the Matajur attributed to emigration – a “number one” phenomena in decades after World War II in Julian Slovenia. (Julian Slovenia, a region in the northeast of Italy is the most Western part of “Slovene-speaking” territory; its several-centuries political-administrative isolation from other “Slovene-speaking” regions demonstrates in particular identity and culture of its inhabitants). When analysing newspaper contributions from the appearance of the newspaper in October 1950 until the end of 1960, I was looking for contents, which occur on the following three dimensions of communication: selection of the reported reality, attitude of the information towards reality, and linguistic presentation of the information. I named contents that occurred in all three stated fields, motives. I defined motives as a “message/report cliché”, which has in presenting certain content, problematic, a specific attitude towards reality and a specific linguistic presentation of the information. Motives are thus carriers of particular manners of representations of (individual) events, occurrences, phenomena.

With the occurrence, existence of motives I have shown that particular styles of representation of phenomena exist, in the dealt case emigration, and that those form the special meaning of a phenomena (emigration). The existence of motives indicates that emigration was not at all dealt with impartially. The language of power (and resistance), exploitation, discrimination, social inequality and much else interfered in the presentation of this social phenomena. Emigration was in the mentioned period a metaphor for exploitation, inequality; it reflected a subordinate, neglected position of Venetian Slovenes and was as such by the writers of the treated texts evaluated most negatively. Towards the end of the mentioned period a motif of the emigrant occurred, inspired by the “revolutionary iconography”, the worker as carrier of long anticipated change and new era. Emigration thus gained from the side of text writers a new no longer “pessimistic” but “redemptive” significance.

I conclude the article ambitiously: with a presumption that (proof on) existence of motives can enable good foundations for deliberation and theorization on social structures and on functioning in (journalistic) communication that is “writing”. To the reproach why I answer given questions with questions, I say: Why not?

ABSTRACT
My attempt was to demonstrate in the contribution what significance a group of the “advanced” gathered around for years long only newspaper of Julian Slovenes, the Matajur attributed to emigration – a “number one” phenomena in decades after World War II in Julian Slovenia. (Julian Slovenia, a region in the northeast of Italy is the most Western part of “Slovene-speaking” territory; its several-centuries political-administrative isolation from other “Slovene-speaking” regions demonstrates in particular identity and culture of its inhabitants). When analysing newspaper contributions from the appearance of the newspaper in October 1950 until the end of 1960, I was looking for contents, which occur on the following three dimensions of communication: selection of the reported reality, attitude of the information towards reality, and linguistic presentation of the information. I named contents that occurred in all three stated fields, motives. I defined motives as a “message/report cliché”, which has in presenting certain content, problematic, a specific attitude towards reality and a specific linguistic presentation of the information. Motives are thus carriers of particular manners of representations of (individual) events, occurrences, phenomena.

With the occurrence, existence of motives I have shown that particular styles of representation of phenomena exist, in the dealt case emigration, and that those form the special meaning of a phenomena (emigration). The existence of motives indicates that emigration was not at all dealt with impartially. The language of power (and resistance), exploitation, discrimination, social inequality and much else interfered in the presentation of this social phenomena. Emigration was in the mentioned period a metaphor for exploitation, inequality; it reflected a subordinate, neglected position of Venetian Slovenes and was as such by the writers of the treated texts evaluated most negatively. Towards the end of the mentioned period a motif of the emigrant occurred, inspired by the “revolutionary iconography”, the worker as carrier of long anticipated change and new era. Emigration thus gained from the side of text writers a new no longer “pessimistic” but “redemptive” significance.

I conclude the article ambitiously: with a presumption that (proof on) existence of motives can enable good foundations for deliberation and theorization on social structures and on functioning in (journalistic) communication that is “writing”. To the reproach why I answer given questions with questions, I say: Why not?