ABSTRACT
Slovene-Croatian bilateral project, which was conducted in years 2004 and 2005, enabled collection of various rare, less accessible archive (statistical, demographical), as well as fieldwork data (interviews). Besides previously collected data, those data provided the platform of the research and for this contribution. The latter focuses on selected aspects of demo-geographical development of population, including fertility and migration, and development of boundary. Žumberk as a peripheral and border as well as a trans-border region lies in a wider area called Kolpa region between Slovenia and Croatia. According to analysed material, results and synthesis respectively, it is possible to sum the findings into three groups up. (a) Spatial determination: Žumberk as political-geographic territorial unit is not completely within the Croatian state. According to the old land law of Carniola, Žumberk was a part of the Military Border of Carniola. (b) Changes in religious and ethnic structure in last 150 years: the basic demographical determinant of Žumberk is greek-catholic religious belief, which could be statistically traced as far as in mid 19th century. Despite of the intensive depopulation, the Greek-catholic population still represents spatially overwhelming part of Žumberk. In the last century, there has been major strengthening of proportion of Roman-Catholics, which is obviously keen to completely supplant greek-catholic faith. Ethnic structure seems to be relatively stable all the way from the first censuses. A strong majority of population declare themselves as Croats. As well as “traditionally” present Slovenes, there are also other groups as Serbs and Yugoslavs decades ago. Locals declared as Serbs formed in some parts of Žumberk even a majority in a couple of post-war censuses. Nowadays it is almost extinct. Since the local regional affiliation (Žumberchans) is merely measurable, the self-determination of population at censuses does not mirror the actual situation in Žumberk. (c) Population dynamics in last two decades: Žumberk is almost famous for its exodus-type emigration, which last already one of the half of century till the present. The fertility itself is not that low as in Slovenia and Croatia, despite of lowering under the simple reproduction level. A low proportion of women in fertile period give rise for concern today and in the future. Migration processes are marked especially by intensive emigration, relatively vivid internal moves, and sporadic immigration. Regional and developmental decline is stressed and in a negative recurrent snare.

ABSTRACT
Slovene-Croatian bilateral project, which was conducted in years 2004 and 2005, enabled collection of various rare, less accessible archive (statistical, demographical), as well as fieldwork data (interviews). Besides previously collected data, those data provided the platform of the research and for this contribution. The latter focuses on selected aspects of demo-geographical development of population, including fertility and migration, and development of boundary. Žumberk as a peripheral and border as well as a trans-border region lies in a wider area called Kolpa region between Slovenia and Croatia. According to analysed material, results and synthesis respectively, it is possible to sum the findings into three groups up. (a) Spatial determination: Žumberk as political-geographic territorial unit is not completely within the Croatian state. According to the old land law of Carniola, Žumberk was a part of the Military Border of Carniola. (b) Changes in religious and ethnic structure in last 150 years: the basic demographical determinant of Žumberk is greek-catholic religious belief, which could be statistically traced as far as in mid 19th century. Despite of the intensive depopulation, the Greek-catholic population still represents spatially overwhelming part of Žumberk. In the last century, there has been major strengthening of proportion of Roman-Catholics, which is obviously keen to completely supplant greek-catholic faith. Ethnic structure seems to be relatively stable all the way from the first censuses. A strong majority of population declare themselves as Croats. As well as “traditionally” present Slovenes, there are also other groups as Serbs and Yugoslavs decades ago. Locals declared as Serbs formed in some parts of Žumberk even a majority in a couple of post-war censuses. Nowadays it is almost extinct. Since the local regional affiliation (Žumberchans) is merely measurable, the self-determination of population at censuses does not mirror the actual situation in Žumberk. (c) Population dynamics in last two decades: Žumberk is almost famous for its exodus-type emigration, which last already one of the half of century till the present. The fertility itself is not that low as in Slovenia and Croatia, despite of lowering under the simple reproduction level. A low proportion of women in fertile period give rise for concern today and in the future. Migration processes are marked especially by intensive emigration, relatively vivid internal moves, and sporadic immigration. Regional and developmental decline is stressed and in a negative recurrent snare.

ABSTRACT
On the relatively small territory of Obkolpje (the territory on the both side of Slovenian-Croatian river Kolpa-Kupa), three administrational and political entities: Carniola (Bela krajina), millitary frontier called Vojna krajina (Žumberk in Marindol) and civilian Croatia, had coexisted for centuries. Such administrative arrangement determined the structure of inhabitants substantially. State and administrative border between Austrian provinces as a part of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (until 1806), German confederation (until 1866) and Austrian part of the Austria-Hungary (1867–1918) and, on the other side, Croatia as a part of Hungarian kingdom, was markedly different from present-day slovenian-croatian state border. Žumberk and Marindol were juridically on Carniola territory, but under millitary administration of Vojna krajina, which was under direct control of Vienna. After provisionally annexation of Žumberk and Marindol to Croatia in 1881, when the millitary frontier was abolished, Carniola came into a conflict with Croatia regarding the question of affiliation of these territories. Carniola demanded Žumberk and Marindol on the bases of historical law. The dispute was not solved until the end of habsburg monarchy in 1918. The essay makes an attempt to present, on the basis of historical sources, what sort of opinion about their “affiliation” had the people of Žumberk and Marindol themselves. The accessible historical sources are problematic, because they are more or less indirect and very ideological. It seems that the locals of Žumberk in Marindol shifted in their “affiliation”, which is proven by various petitions for annexation of Žumberk and Marindol to Carniola or Croatia. The essay also describes life conditions in Žumberk and Marindol, and the importance of this factor for locals’ “affiliation” to Carniola or Croatia.

ABSTRACT
On the relatively small territory of Obkolpje (the territory on the both side of Slovenian-Croatian river Kolpa-Kupa), three administrational and political entities: Carniola (Bela krajina), millitary frontier called Vojna krajina (Žumberk in Marindol) and civilian Croatia, had coexisted for centuries. Such administrative arrangement determined the structure of inhabitants substantially. State and administrative border between Austrian provinces as a part of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (until 1806), German confederation (until 1866) and Austrian part of the Austria-Hungary (1867–1918) and, on the other side, Croatia as a part of Hungarian kingdom, was markedly different from present-day slovenian-croatian state border. Žumberk and Marindol were juridically on Carniola territory, but under millitary administration of Vojna krajina, which was under direct control of Vienna. After provisionally annexation of Žumberk and Marindol to Croatia in 1881, when the millitary frontier was abolished, Carniola came into a conflict with Croatia regarding the question of affiliation of these territories. Carniola demanded Žumberk and Marindol on the bases of historical law. The dispute was not solved until the end of habsburg monarchy in 1918. The essay makes an attempt to present, on the basis of historical sources, what sort of opinion about their “affiliation” had the people of Žumberk and Marindol themselves. The accessible historical sources are problematic, because they are more or less indirect and very ideological. It seems that the locals of Žumberk in Marindol shifted in their “affiliation”, which is proven by various petitions for annexation of Žumberk and Marindol to Carniola or Croatia. The essay also describes life conditions in Žumberk and Marindol, and the importance of this factor for locals’ “affiliation” to Carniola or Croatia.

Presented in the contribution are commercial journeys of the Gaberje women and the influence of those on the role of women in the family and in the village. Women from Vipavska brda were setting out on their journeys not wishing to become rich but in the necessity for survival. Because of circumstances in which they lived, their life of a peasant housewife was all but being shut between the four walls. The women played several roles: they were mothers, wives, daughters-in-law, villagers, traders, smugglers, perhaps even adventuresses, and migrants. They moved to the neighbouring towns and to the countryside and thus circulated between home and source of income for the essential necessities of life. Particularly women with small children sought a compromise and thus did not emigrate permanently; they just circulated. Thus, they were still able to carry out the role of the mother and wife and take care of inflow of money into the household.
The word with which women themselves denote their commercial routes and themselves is brangerstvo or brangerca, meaning a woman who in the dealt period transported by various manners eggs, butter, seasonal vegetables, raspberries, meat, strong liquor and other products to Italian towns, sold them there or exchanged, and brought home some money or exchanged provisions and domestic necessaries, which otherwise could not be bought (macaroni, soap).The changing of political circumstances and consequently of state borders, influenced the course of commercial routes.
The reasons for migration of each woman from Gaberje have multiple causes. Although roughly we can comprise them in the social economic situation, (each collocutor tells the principle reason for migrations was poverty) each woman has a story of her own and own motives. In the forefront placed Olga’s story corresponds to the stories of the rest of women from Gaberje and is valuable because Olga too was going to Trieste along the paths her mother walked.
Although the journeys were undoubtedly physically straining, the women thus encountered the world not seen from their village. They saw Trieste, a large and in their eyes a rich town. The journeys of small groups of women who knew each other were everything but a commercial march in silence. The women made jokes, laughed, sang, shared advice – as well commercial as those more concerning family life.
The money the brangerce earned presented their at least partial financial independence. The journeys were to them a brief absence from their children and husbands and were actually time of their own. The earned money also influenced the social development of the village, the change of the status of women, family steadiness, and traditional social patterns of marital stability. In Gaberje, the power of women within families grew as they had access to own money. Although they used it for the family, above all for the children and food, the women decided on it. The life standard of families rose, although gradually, because of their journeys as well.

Presented in the contribution are commercial journeys of the Gaberje women and the influence of those on the role of women in the family and in the village. Women from Vipavska brda were setting out on their journeys not wishing to become rich but in the necessity for survival. Because of circumstances in which they lived, their life of a peasant housewife was all but being shut between the four walls. The women played several roles: they were mothers, wives, daughters-in-law, villagers, traders, smugglers, perhaps even adventuresses, and migrants. They moved to the neighbouring towns and to the countryside and thus circulated between home and source of income for the essential necessities of life. Particularly women with small children sought a compromise and thus did not emigrate permanently; they just circulated. Thus, they were still able to carry out the role of the mother and wife and take care of inflow of money into the household.
The word with which women themselves denote their commercial routes and themselves is brangerstvo or brangerca, meaning a woman who in the dealt period transported by various manners eggs, butter, seasonal vegetables, raspberries, meat, strong liquor and other products to Italian towns, sold them there or exchanged, and brought home some money or exchanged provisions and domestic necessaries, which otherwise could not be bought (macaroni, soap).The changing of political circumstances and consequently of state borders, influenced the course of commercial routes.
The reasons for migration of each woman from Gaberje have multiple causes. Although roughly we can comprise them in the social economic situation, (each collocutor tells the principle reason for migrations was poverty) each woman has a story of her own and own motives. In the forefront placed Olga’s story corresponds to the stories of the rest of women from Gaberje and is valuable because Olga too was going to Trieste along the paths her mother walked.
Although the journeys were undoubtedly physically straining, the women thus encountered the world not seen from their village. They saw Trieste, a large and in their eyes a rich town. The journeys of small groups of women who knew each other were everything but a commercial march in silence. The women made jokes, laughed, sang, shared advice – as well commercial as those more concerning family life.
The money the brangerce earned presented their at least partial financial independence. The journeys were to them a brief absence from their children and husbands and were actually time of their own. The earned money also influenced the social development of the village, the change of the status of women, family steadiness, and traditional social patterns of marital stability. In Gaberje, the power of women within families grew as they had access to own money. Although they used it for the family, above all for the children and food, the women decided on it. The life standard of families rose, although gradually, because of their journeys as well.

ABSTRACT
Prekmurje has been and to some extent is until the present day one of the most typical geographic regions of mass Slovene emigration. Less typical and considerably less numerous is especially in past historical periods the reverse process: the process of immigrating in Prekmurje. The first Slovenes that have in a larger number immigrated to Prekmurje were undoubtedly the refugees from Primorska who after 1918 fled mainly from the Italian denationalisation violence, particularly after its aggravation after the fascist takeover of power. The Isonzo front during World War I and even more the above mentioned, and the denationalisation measures of the Italian authorities, banished from their homes over 100.000 Slovenes from Primorje and Istrian Croats of whom the majority after 1918 resorted to the newly founded South Slav state, and the rest mainly to Western Europe and South America, particularly Argentina. In the first period, they as mainly liberally and Yugoslav centralistic oriented, were given work in not too popular state vocations (thus, in the police, the customs etc.); later, during the economic crisis, the local population considered them unwanted competition in the struggle for the scant everyday bread. The word “Primorec” meant in many an environment of the homeland a true verbal abuse.
To the Yugoslav state in 1919 annexed Prekmurje offered some possibilities for the survival of the above mentioned emigrants from Primorska, above all teachers who with their Yugoslav and liberal orientation resolutely and to a certain extent as a foreign body intervened in the there, with a specific historical development defined social, religious, economic and cultural environment. The state authorities settled near Dolnja Lendava in Petišovci, Benica and Pince several tens of emigrant peasant families from Primorje and Istria. All the mentioned aspects of the life of the Primorje immigrants and refugees are merely briefly presented in the treatise.

ABSTRACT
Prekmurje has been and to some extent is until the present day one of the most typical geographic regions of mass Slovene emigration. Less typical and considerably less numerous is especially in past historical periods the reverse process: the process of immigrating in Prekmurje. The first Slovenes that have in a larger number immigrated to Prekmurje were undoubtedly the refugees from Primorska who after 1918 fled mainly from the Italian denationalisation violence, particularly after its aggravation after the fascist takeover of power. The Isonzo front during World War I and even more the above mentioned, and the denationalisation measures of the Italian authorities, banished from their homes over 100.000 Slovenes from Primorje and Istrian Croats of whom the majority after 1918 resorted to the newly founded South Slav state, and the rest mainly to Western Europe and South America, particularly Argentina. In the first period, they as mainly liberally and Yugoslav centralistic oriented, were given work in not too popular state vocations (thus, in the police, the customs etc.); later, during the economic crisis, the local population considered them unwanted competition in the struggle for the scant everyday bread. The word “Primorec” meant in many an environment of the homeland a true verbal abuse.
To the Yugoslav state in 1919 annexed Prekmurje offered some possibilities for the survival of the above mentioned emigrants from Primorska, above all teachers who with their Yugoslav and liberal orientation resolutely and to a certain extent as a foreign body intervened in the there, with a specific historical development defined social, religious, economic and cultural environment. The state authorities settled near Dolnja Lendava in Petišovci, Benica and Pince several tens of emigrant peasant families from Primorje and Istria. All the mentioned aspects of the life of the Primorje immigrants and refugees are merely briefly presented in the treatise.

ABSTRACT
This text examines the role of the Slovene language in shaping the ethnic identity of the third and fourth generations of Slovene political emigrants (SPE) in Argentina. They are (were) a specifically homogeneous group, closed for foreign, Argentinean influences, which includes the language as well. The high cultural consciousness and regard for Slovene traditions and folklore helped form numerous cultural associations, where creativity and communication were allowed only in Slovene language – with any violation of these rules resulting in serious moral accusations.
The research dates to April 2006, when it was carried out among the pupils of Saturday Slovene language schools and the students of the Slovene matura course, both in Buenos Aires. Its main target group were the third and fourth generations of SPE, who are, in contrast to their (grand) parents, very much acculturated. They feel a strong emotional attachment to the Slovene language, yet it is limited to the symbolic level, while the communicative function of Slovene is highly neglected and mostly limited to the family. In that environment, as much as 82 % still speak Slovene while the respondents generally speak Spanish (97 %) among themselves. However, it is important to appreciate the incalculable value of its symbolic role as the Slovene language presents the bond of the SPE descendants with the Slovene culture. It could be stated that for them, the Slovene language is the Slovene culture.
The Slovene language remains to this day respected and appreciated among the SPE descendants. Being aware of its value with regard to the future existence of the community, they still learn the language. Admittedly its communicative function is limited, yet for the young, it presents a point of identification i.e. the essence of being Slovene. A number of answers confirmed the role of the Slovene language as the main identification element. Although the questions might have been rather complicated for the young between 12 and 14, the majority of the answers were unambiguous and very importantly, written in very good Slovene.
It can be claimed that the Slovene language is a major ethnic identity element for the representatives of the third and forth generations of SPE. Their straightforward plans to keep preserving the Slovene language (74 % intend to continue learning Slovene), together with the majority (94 %) intending to pass the language to their own children, show the awareness of the young towards the (symbolic) role of the language. For the majority of them, the language remains the bond with the mother country of their parents and in symbolic value, it highly precedes the Spanish language which is only the language of their native country.

ABSTRACT
This text examines the role of the Slovene language in shaping the ethnic identity of the third and fourth generations of Slovene political emigrants (SPE) in Argentina. They are (were) a specifically homogeneous group, closed for foreign, Argentinean influences, which includes the language as well. The high cultural consciousness and regard for Slovene traditions and folklore helped form numerous cultural associations, where creativity and communication were allowed only in Slovene language – with any violation of these rules resulting in serious moral accusations.
The research dates to April 2006, when it was carried out among the pupils of Saturday Slovene language schools and the students of the Slovene matura course, both in Buenos Aires. Its main target group were the third and fourth generations of SPE, who are, in contrast to their (grand) parents, very much acculturated. They feel a strong emotional attachment to the Slovene language, yet it is limited to the symbolic level, while the communicative function of Slovene is highly neglected and mostly limited to the family. In that environment, as much as 82 % still speak Slovene while the respondents generally speak Spanish (97 %) among themselves. However, it is important to appreciate the incalculable value of its symbolic role as the Slovene language presents the bond of the SPE descendants with the Slovene culture. It could be stated that for them, the Slovene language is the Slovene culture.
The Slovene language remains to this day respected and appreciated among the SPE descendants. Being aware of its value with regard to the future existence of the community, they still learn the language. Admittedly its communicative function is limited, yet for the young, it presents a point of identification i.e. the essence of being Slovene. A number of answers confirmed the role of the Slovene language as the main identification element. Although the questions might have been rather complicated for the young between 12 and 14, the majority of the answers were unambiguous and very importantly, written in very good Slovene.
It can be claimed that the Slovene language is a major ethnic identity element for the representatives of the third and forth generations of SPE. Their straightforward plans to keep preserving the Slovene language (74 % intend to continue learning Slovene), together with the majority (94 %) intending to pass the language to their own children, show the awareness of the young towards the (symbolic) role of the language. For the majority of them, the language remains the bond with the mother country of their parents and in symbolic value, it highly precedes the Spanish language which is only the language of their native country.