ABSTRACT
The contribution is a fragmentary survey of the relation of a part of Slovene intellectuals, temporary and permanent emigrants in Bohemia and in Croatia to the there living Jews. By political conviction, they were mainly nationally conscious intellectuals enthusiastic with Slavic mutuality; some of them were Russophiles. They went to study in Bohemia voluntarily, as a sign of protest against unequal position of Slavs in the state. They expected a genuine Slavic environment/atmosphere, which they actually experienced. In contrast to Slovenia, they were in Bohemia confronted with the existence of the Jewish community that did not exist in Slovenia. Consequently, they could witness the negative attitude of the Czechs towards Jews and through it – at least some, for example Marn and Radešček – deepened their own declinatory standpoints. Specific political circumstances in Croatia forced those employed by the authorities and those who because of their political convictions could not find work at home and forcibly “landed” in Croatia not to declare publicly their political convictions or the negative attitude towards Jews. Alternatively, they published them, for example Trdina, after they have left Croatia.

ABSTRACT
The contribution is a fragmentary survey of the relation of a part of Slovene intellectuals, temporary and permanent emigrants in Bohemia and in Croatia to the there living Jews. By political conviction, they were mainly nationally conscious intellectuals enthusiastic with Slavic mutuality; some of them were Russophiles. They went to study in Bohemia voluntarily, as a sign of protest against unequal position of Slavs in the state. They expected a genuine Slavic environment/atmosphere, which they actually experienced. In contrast to Slovenia, they were in Bohemia confronted with the existence of the Jewish community that did not exist in Slovenia. Consequently, they could witness the negative attitude of the Czechs towards Jews and through it – at least some, for example Marn and Radešček – deepened their own declinatory standpoints. Specific political circumstances in Croatia forced those employed by the authorities and those who because of their political convictions could not find work at home and forcibly “landed” in Croatia not to declare publicly their political convictions or the negative attitude towards Jews. Alternatively, they published them, for example Trdina, after they have left Croatia.

ABSTRACT
The sphere of emigration is pervaded with a strong emotional component on a personal level; when the individual defines oneself to this phenomenon and process, one is active particularly in public sphere. My interest is from the historiographical standpoint focused on the relation (view) of the public towards emigration and emigration problematic, for we find above all in publicistic, literature and even in professional literature numerous exaggerated, “black” and less “white” views upon emigration, living abroad, on the number of emigrants, dangers in regard of preservation of Slovene identity, Catholic religion etc. Foreign parts are through their eyes always something dark, cold, dangerous, and the homeland something warm, sunny, maternal. Through such picture, more realistic, factual information occurs as well; however, the negative are prevailing and echoing in the public space. The sphere of the number of emigrants as well knows exaggerations, which are a consequence of faulty state statistics and of administrating emigrants or immigrants by ethnic appurtenance, mother tongue, nationality, and similar. Until the year 1991, Slovenes have lived in different state communities and were in foreign states being registered as Austrians, Italians, Hungarians, members of the first and second Yugoslavia. Most frequent are deliberations on the grounds and causes for the leaving of individuals for work abroad. To what extent was that a consequence of poverty, even famine, and to what a mere wish for a better life if we have in mind economic emigration? We can here find several warnings and admonitions from the side of the state (in the 20th century, we can see a more controlled departing), the Church, intellectuals as a support and understanding. Nationality appurtenance was in the forefront. The fewness of Slovenes resulted in the opinion that with their estrangement (assimilation) the existence of the Slovene nation is imperilled. Fear (was) one of the most exposed and general arguments against the emigrating of Slovenes, the Church added the fear before religious indifference or even loss of belief with Slovene emigrants. The author draws attention, based on publicly uttered and written opinions, causally on individual statements and written records from the past.

ABSTRACT
The sphere of emigration is pervaded with a strong emotional component on a personal level; when the individual defines oneself to this phenomenon and process, one is active particularly in public sphere. My interest is from the historiographical standpoint focused on the relation (view) of the public towards emigration and emigration problematic, for we find above all in publicistic, literature and even in professional literature numerous exaggerated, “black” and less “white” views upon emigration, living abroad, on the number of emigrants, dangers in regard of preservation of Slovene identity, Catholic religion etc. Foreign parts are through their eyes always something dark, cold, dangerous, and the homeland something warm, sunny, maternal. Through such picture, more realistic, factual information occurs as well; however, the negative are prevailing and echoing in the public space. The sphere of the number of emigrants as well knows exaggerations, which are a consequence of faulty state statistics and of administrating emigrants or immigrants by ethnic appurtenance, mother tongue, nationality, and similar. Until the year 1991, Slovenes have lived in different state communities and were in foreign states being registered as Austrians, Italians, Hungarians, members of the first and second Yugoslavia. Most frequent are deliberations on the grounds and causes for the leaving of individuals for work abroad. To what extent was that a consequence of poverty, even famine, and to what a mere wish for a better life if we have in mind economic emigration? We can here find several warnings and admonitions from the side of the state (in the 20th century, we can see a more controlled departing), the Church, intellectuals as a support and understanding. Nationality appurtenance was in the forefront. The fewness of Slovenes resulted in the opinion that with their estrangement (assimilation) the existence of the Slovene nation is imperilled. Fear (was) one of the most exposed and general arguments against the emigrating of Slovenes, the Church added the fear before religious indifference or even loss of belief with Slovene emigrants. The author draws attention, based on publicly uttered and written opinions, causally on individual statements and written records from the past.

ABSTRACT
In the contribution, the results of the Questionnaire on the situation of immigrants, their descendants and their cultures in Slovenia is resumed, which was carried out within the research project Literary and cultural image of immigrants in Slovenia (1. 7. 2004-30. 6. 2007) by eleven volunteers - students of the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana - in 26 Slovene towns with different concentration of the first generation of immigrants. Pointed out in the present article are those answers to the questionnaire that deal with the title theme of this contribution that is with factors, which influence on the cultural position of immigrants in Slovenia, and with indicators witnessing to that position.
The stereotypes on immigrants in Slovenia and on how they imperil ethnic Slovenes, their survival (immigrants supposedly take off jobs), security (immigrants are supposedly responsible for the majority of criminal offences in Slovenia), culture, language etc.; are indirectly indicators and directly factors of social-economic, political and cultural position of the immigrants; thus, the first part of the article deals with the group of factors. Following are summarized opinions of the interviewed on their equality in the field of politics, religious life and education. The next are two sections on frequently self-evident (as well language) subordination of the immigrants, and on what Slovenes think of their own ethnic intolerance. The following three sections present the central part of the article. The first is about language knowledge of the interviewed immigrants, their reading habits, and their practising of cultural traditions. The second deals with the possibilities for the development and assertion of immigrant cultural activities in the broader society, namely in the light of the questionnaire answers as well as from the aspect of cognisance of other researchers. The third section issues the question of actual possibilities of the materially weaker part of members of immigrant communities for any kind of participation in the field of culture.

ABSTRACT
In the contribution, the results of the Questionnaire on the situation of immigrants, their descendants and their cultures in Slovenia is resumed, which was carried out within the research project Literary and cultural image of immigrants in Slovenia (1. 7. 2004-30. 6. 2007) by eleven volunteers - students of the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana - in 26 Slovene towns with different concentration of the first generation of immigrants. Pointed out in the present article are those answers to the questionnaire that deal with the title theme of this contribution that is with factors, which influence on the cultural position of immigrants in Slovenia, and with indicators witnessing to that position.
The stereotypes on immigrants in Slovenia and on how they imperil ethnic Slovenes, their survival (immigrants supposedly take off jobs), security (immigrants are supposedly responsible for the majority of criminal offences in Slovenia), culture, language etc.; are indirectly indicators and directly factors of social-economic, political and cultural position of the immigrants; thus, the first part of the article deals with the group of factors. Following are summarized opinions of the interviewed on their equality in the field of politics, religious life and education. The next are two sections on frequently self-evident (as well language) subordination of the immigrants, and on what Slovenes think of their own ethnic intolerance. The following three sections present the central part of the article. The first is about language knowledge of the interviewed immigrants, their reading habits, and their practising of cultural traditions. The second deals with the possibilities for the development and assertion of immigrant cultural activities in the broader society, namely in the light of the questionnaire answers as well as from the aspect of cognisance of other researchers. The third section issues the question of actual possibilities of the materially weaker part of members of immigrant communities for any kind of participation in the field of culture.

ABSTRACT
Among Croatian emigrants and their descendants in Chile and in the Republic of South Africa (RSA), a survey has been carried out in the period after the Croatian war of Independence to the international recognition of the Republic of Croatia with the aim of establishing the existence/non-existence of certain forms of national/ethnic identity. We have compared the answers of the respondents to define the degree of congruency of the questionnaire answers of two different emigrant groups.
By comparing the two researches, we have concluded that the emigrant population in RSA and in Chile have some distinctive characteristics: generation appurtenance, education, period of emigration, length of stay in the immigrant state. These factors have influenced directly on the degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity of emigrants as well as on the manner of demonstration of it.
The emigrant population in RSA is composed mainly of emigrants coming in after World War II. In RSA, that population was firmly connected with the Croatian Catholic Church, which was at the same time the main communal centre for assembling of the emigrants. The degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity among them is high. A large percentage of them are Croatian citizens, they know and speak Croatian language, and their children do so as well, and have great pretensions about returning to the homeland. In Chile, the number of emigrants arrived after World War II is small. The majority are born in Chile and are members of the second, third and fourth generations. They are mainly Chilean citizens, they do not speak and communicate in Croatian language, and the number of those that would return to Croatia is small. Despite previously alleged characteristic factors, we find congruency/accordance in the answers to the questions: membership in societies, degree of contentment accomplished in the immigrant state, preservation of ethnic customs within families, level of information on events in Croatia. These answers confirm the existence of a firm ethnic essence with the both surveyed populations. With both emigrant populations, we find a large number of members of Croatian emigrant societies through which they manifest their ethnic/national appurtenance. In RSA, the Croatian Catholic Church is the principle initiator for the assembling of emigrants while in Chile the majority of emigrant societies originate from the self-initiative wish of the emigrants to preserve their ethnic identity. They are mainly intellectuals; consequently, their societies have similar features (society of professionals of Croatian origin, Croatian-Chilean institute of culture, and similar). Within the both emigrant populations, the degree of contentment with the position and with the achieved in the immigrant state is high. Likewise, both emigrant populations are well informed on events in the homeland, the majority are in regular contacts with their families, and practice Croatian traditions within families.

ABSTRACT
Among Croatian emigrants and their descendants in Chile and in the Republic of South Africa (RSA), a survey has been carried out in the period after the Croatian war of Independence to the international recognition of the Republic of Croatia with the aim of establishing the existence/non-existence of certain forms of national/ethnic identity. We have compared the answers of the respondents to define the degree of congruency of the questionnaire answers of two different emigrant groups.
By comparing the two researches, we have concluded that the emigrant population in RSA and in Chile have some distinctive characteristics: generation appurtenance, education, period of emigration, length of stay in the immigrant state. These factors have influenced directly on the degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity of emigrants as well as on the manner of demonstration of it.
The emigrant population in RSA is composed mainly of emigrants coming in after World War II. In RSA, that population was firmly connected with the Croatian Catholic Church, which was at the same time the main communal centre for assembling of the emigrants. The degree of preservation of national/ethnic identity among them is high. A large percentage of them are Croatian citizens, they know and speak Croatian language, and their children do so as well, and have great pretensions about returning to the homeland. In Chile, the number of emigrants arrived after World War II is small. The majority are born in Chile and are members of the second, third and fourth generations. They are mainly Chilean citizens, they do not speak and communicate in Croatian language, and the number of those that would return to Croatia is small. Despite previously alleged characteristic factors, we find congruency/accordance in the answers to the questions: membership in societies, degree of contentment accomplished in the immigrant state, preservation of ethnic customs within families, level of information on events in Croatia. These answers confirm the existence of a firm ethnic essence with the both surveyed populations. With both emigrant populations, we find a large number of members of Croatian emigrant societies through which they manifest their ethnic/national appurtenance. In RSA, the Croatian Catholic Church is the principle initiator for the assembling of emigrants while in Chile the majority of emigrant societies originate from the self-initiative wish of the emigrants to preserve their ethnic identity. They are mainly intellectuals; consequently, their societies have similar features (society of professionals of Croatian origin, Croatian-Chilean institute of culture, and similar). Within the both emigrant populations, the degree of contentment with the position and with the achieved in the immigrant state is high. Likewise, both emigrant populations are well informed on events in the homeland, the majority are in regular contacts with their families, and practice Croatian traditions within families.

ABSTRACT
The article presents the development of immigration to Slovenia after World War II from the aspect of influences on birth rate in Slovenia. It analyses the immigration to Slovenia and based on comparison of birth rates of individual ethnic groups in Slovenia, defines the role of those in the collective birth rate in Slovenia. Stress is on the comparison of birth rates of the immigrated population and the majority population in Slovenia. The results offer a basis for a conclusion that immigration to Slovenia did not prolong or stop the demographic transition in Slovenia as is frequently presumed, but caused changes were even more distinctive. We can prove that by generational values of final descendants, which show that the curve of decrease of final offspring descended evenly, and that in regard of increased extent of generations by number most growing since the immigration those within age groups did not increase final offspring. Transversal data show coincidence of standstill in decrease of collective birth rate with periods of copious immigration to Slovenia – that is in the 1970ies. A deepened analysis shows that age effect had the most significant role, which was not in direct connection with immigration.
The collective birth rate with a stagnation in the 1970ies decreased rapidly already in the first half of 1980ies, which is in contrast with the then existing trend of rapid growth of number of immigrants. Some authors ascertained that in the period from the end of the 1960ies and 1970ies the correlation between birth rate and immigration was negative, and in 1980ies high and positive. Necessary to remind here is that the 1980s situation cannot be excluded from the entirety, as arbitrary decision on time interval of observing impacts strongly on the results. How to explain otherwise the relatively high and rapid increase of migration balance in the “first” period with general decrease of value of collective birth rate in Slovenia along simultaneous decline and coincidence of value of collective birth rate and migration balance? The 1980ies situation should therefore not be generalized on the 1970ies situation. Such generalization induces a thesis that with the decline of immigration, birth rate decreased as well. Such a thesis is in utter contradiction with the situation in the 1970ies when immigration increased rapidly and despite so the birth rate decreased.
From an integral viewpoint, immigration actually influenced on shortening of demographic transition and caused an abrupt transition into the next demographic transition. That immigrations actually could not stop the demographic transition is seen from data on final descendants of female immigrants. That is, as we have shown, in average lower from the one with Slovene women.
This means the very opposite, namely that the immigrant women contributed to a rapid decline of transversal birth rate values in the 1980ies. Evaluating the influences of immigration on the course of demographic transition through the entire birth rate is problematic for several reasons. The most important is that transversal indicators are under strong influence of momentary factors, especially of changes of average age of mothers at childbirth. The influence of these changes is so enormous that a yearly value can be over- or underestimated for over a tenth. That is essentially more than quantitative changes in birth rate, which are by their nature long range, and which is also confirmed by longitudinal indicators, can influence on the value of collective birth rate.

ABSTRACT
The article presents the development of immigration to Slovenia after World War II from the aspect of influences on birth rate in Slovenia. It analyses the immigration to Slovenia and based on comparison of birth rates of individual ethnic groups in Slovenia, defines the role of those in the collective birth rate in Slovenia. Stress is on the comparison of birth rates of the immigrated population and the majority population in Slovenia. The results offer a basis for a conclusion that immigration to Slovenia did not prolong or stop the demographic transition in Slovenia as is frequently presumed, but caused changes were even more distinctive. We can prove that by generational values of final descendants, which show that the curve of decrease of final offspring descended evenly, and that in regard of increased extent of generations by number most growing since the immigration those within age groups did not increase final offspring. Transversal data show coincidence of standstill in decrease of collective birth rate with periods of copious immigration to Slovenia – that is in the 1970ies. A deepened analysis shows that age effect had the most significant role, which was not in direct connection with immigration.
The collective birth rate with a stagnation in the 1970ies decreased rapidly already in the first half of 1980ies, which is in contrast with the then existing trend of rapid growth of number of immigrants. Some authors ascertained that in the period from the end of the 1960ies and 1970ies the correlation between birth rate and immigration was negative, and in 1980ies high and positive. Necessary to remind here is that the 1980s situation cannot be excluded from the entirety, as arbitrary decision on time interval of observing impacts strongly on the results. How to explain otherwise the relatively high and rapid increase of migration balance in the “first” period with general decrease of value of collective birth rate in Slovenia along simultaneous decline and coincidence of value of collective birth rate and migration balance? The 1980ies situation should therefore not be generalized on the 1970ies situation. Such generalization induces a thesis that with the decline of immigration, birth rate decreased as well. Such a thesis is in utter contradiction with the situation in the 1970ies when immigration increased rapidly and despite so the birth rate decreased.
From an integral viewpoint, immigration actually influenced on shortening of demographic transition and caused an abrupt transition into the next demographic transition. That immigrations actually could not stop the demographic transition is seen from data on final descendants of female immigrants. That is, as we have shown, in average lower from the one with Slovene women.
This means the very opposite, namely that the immigrant women contributed to a rapid decline of transversal birth rate values in the 1980ies. Evaluating the influences of immigration on the course of demographic transition through the entire birth rate is problematic for several reasons. The most important is that transversal indicators are under strong influence of momentary factors, especially of changes of average age of mothers at childbirth. The influence of these changes is so enormous that a yearly value can be over- or underestimated for over a tenth. That is essentially more than quantitative changes in birth rate, which are by their nature long range, and which is also confirmed by longitudinal indicators, can influence on the value of collective birth rate.