ABSTRACT
he party that became ruler in Slovenia in 1945 attempted to prevent the Slovenes in Slovenia from acquainting with cultural creativity of Slovenes in the neighbouring countries and in emigration. When Slovenes in Slovenia wanted books of authors from the mentioned cultural sphere they encountered great difficulties. Stocks of old books were in 1945 destroyed; as for the after-war editions of works of emigrants, a person intending to acquire one was to request a special permission for importing. Prohibited books and magazines have in Slovenia been collected in special library departments, closed for a wider public, and became more accessible only in the eighties.

Gabrič, Aleš, Ph.D of History, Senior Research Fellow, Institut for Contemporary History, Kongresni trg 1, SI-Ljubljana, Slovenia

ABSTRACT
he party that became ruler in Slovenia in 1945 attempted to prevent the Slovenes in Slovenia from acquainting with cultural creativity of Slovenes in the neighbouring countries and in emigration. When Slovenes in Slovenia wanted books of authors from the mentioned cultural sphere they encountered great difficulties. Stocks of old books were in 1945 destroyed; as for the after-war editions of works of emigrants, a person intending to acquire one was to request a special permission for importing. Prohibited books and magazines have in Slovenia been collected in special library departments, closed for a wider public, and became more accessible only in the eighties.

Gabrič, Aleš, Ph.D of History, Senior Research Fellow, Institut for Contemporary History, Kongresni trg 1, SI-Ljubljana, Slovenia

ABSTRACT
After 1848 and 1851, respectively, neoabsolutist policy began to inaugurate a vigorous policy of Germanization of the whole Habsburg Monarchy. The aim of the bureaucratic reforms was to form a single administration run by the German-speaking officials for the whole country. Along with the introduction of a unique, one-language state, Alexander Bach’s aim was also to suppress all national movements, particularly Slavic. Among German speaking officials whose task was to implement German language were also Slovene intellectuals, scholars and gymnasium professors, treated as “officials”, state bureaucrats. Due to their political affiliation, many of them could find a proper job only out of Slovene lands. The main destination, directed by the state authorities was Croatia, the then one of the constitutional parts of Hungarian part of the Habsburg Monarchy. One of those who has been given opportunity of employment there, was also Jernej Bartol(omej) Francelj, professor of History, Geography and Slavic languages, in police records noted as “Illyrist and Pan-Slavist”. Thus, he has finally – after lecturing at Rijeka and Zagreb Gymnaziums - permanently settled only in Varaždin, where he taught at the Varaždin Gymnazium. His great wish and aim was to educate not only the pupils but also Croatian farmers and craftsmen. For these reasons, he began to publish a populist paper Pueki prijatelj (Peoples’ Friend) in which he directed his attention mainly to general education of people, mainly the farmers; he also paid great attention to education of women. His great interest was to introduce a more intensive development of agriculture in Croatia. Although limited with the then political constellation in Croatia, his articles were not strictly apolitical; he has never denied his sympathies for Illyrians and Illyrian language, his sympathies for the national policy of the Czechs, and sympathies for Croatian national politicians versus Hungarian ones. Although he has been entirely bonded with the Croatian society, he has never denied his everlasting devotion to his homeland, Slovenia.

Irena Gantar Godina, Doctor of Historical Science, Assistant Professor and Research Adviser at the Institute for Slovenian Emigration Studies of Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia.

ABSTRACT
After 1848 and 1851, respectively, neoabsolutist policy began to inaugurate a vigorous policy of Germanization of the whole Habsburg Monarchy. The aim of the bureaucratic reforms was to form a single administration run by the German-speaking officials for the whole country. Along with the introduction of a unique, one-language state, Alexander Bach’s aim was also to suppress all national movements, particularly Slavic. Among German speaking officials whose task was to implement German language were also Slovene intellectuals, scholars and gymnasium professors, treated as “officials”, state bureaucrats. Due to their political affiliation, many of them could find a proper job only out of Slovene lands. The main destination, directed by the state authorities was Croatia, the then one of the constitutional parts of Hungarian part of the Habsburg Monarchy. One of those who has been given opportunity of employment there, was also Jernej Bartol(omej) Francelj, professor of History, Geography and Slavic languages, in police records noted as “Illyrist and Pan-Slavist”. Thus, he has finally – after lecturing at Rijeka and Zagreb Gymnaziums - permanently settled only in Varaždin, where he taught at the Varaždin Gymnazium. His great wish and aim was to educate not only the pupils but also Croatian farmers and craftsmen. For these reasons, he began to publish a populist paper Pueki prijatelj (Peoples’ Friend) in which he directed his attention mainly to general education of people, mainly the farmers; he also paid great attention to education of women. His great interest was to introduce a more intensive development of agriculture in Croatia. Although limited with the then political constellation in Croatia, his articles were not strictly apolitical; he has never denied his sympathies for Illyrians and Illyrian language, his sympathies for the national policy of the Czechs, and sympathies for Croatian national politicians versus Hungarian ones. Although he has been entirely bonded with the Croatian society, he has never denied his everlasting devotion to his homeland, Slovenia.

Irena Gantar Godina, Doctor of Historical Science, Assistant Professor and Research Adviser at the Institute for Slovenian Emigration Studies of Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia.

ABSTRACT
The contribution deals with poorly researched but massive phenomena of emigrating and employing of young women from Julian Slovenia in households of Italian towns (mainly in the period after World War II). Emigration of women because of work, employment in the household sector was mostly understood as a “push” factor resulting from poverty at home. Women that emigrated and accepted such work have mostly been presented as victims. Suchlike a view in a larger number of cases denoted and still does, as the contribution shows with a presentation of some newspapers articles, the emigrating and employing of women from Julian Slovenia in households of Italian towns. A detailed reading of personal evidences of onetime “dikle” (servant girls) confirms the “weight” of such a view, and on the other hand reveals the phenomena in a much more complex, variegated image. Young women who were “forced to go”, as speaks this dominant narration, “for a better bread” to Italian towns, not necessarily considered themselves victims. Some, as personal evidences reveal, sought “adventure”, at least partly financial independence, they wished to rid (at least to some degree) of the ties of patriarchal society, swap the hard peasant work with a more attractive work in households, or merely make a change in their lives. Not to neglect is the “attractiveness” of the city, which not only was offering the “unreachable and fanciful splendour” but as well opening new life perspectives. “To be a servant girl” in most cases meant just the initial step in the social and/or professional mobility of young women.
In a complex understanding of migrations, it is necessary to take into consideration the influences of wider social structures as the intentions, decisions of individuals, or as sociologists would say with a swift stroke, “the structure and functioning”. In addition, if we limit to just one, we can succeed at the utmost to catch only part of a much more interesting, multi-significant and complex story.
The contribution also stresses that personal evidence, upon which a lot of dust sat in (approximately) fifty years, should be read most attentively, cautiously and with a certain distance. It is not only about the “consequences” of time remoteness of the phenomena. Namely, it is extremely difficult to view unburdened or “neutral” upon the phenomena of emigration and employment of young women in households as it hardly ever unconcernedly refers to discrimination and exclusion that race, ethnicity, class, gender, religion, education etc. bring.

Jernej Mlekuž, Geographer, Ethnologist and Cultural Anthropologist at the Institute for Slovenian Emigration Studies of Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia.

ABSTRACT
The contribution deals with poorly researched but massive phenomena of emigrating and employing of young women from Julian Slovenia in households of Italian towns (mainly in the period after World War II). Emigration of women because of work, employment in the household sector was mostly understood as a “push” factor resulting from poverty at home. Women that emigrated and accepted such work have mostly been presented as victims. Suchlike a view in a larger number of cases denoted and still does, as the contribution shows with a presentation of some newspapers articles, the emigrating and employing of women from Julian Slovenia in households of Italian towns. A detailed reading of personal evidences of onetime “dikle” (servant girls) confirms the “weight” of such a view, and on the other hand reveals the phenomena in a much more complex, variegated image. Young women who were “forced to go”, as speaks this dominant narration, “for a better bread” to Italian towns, not necessarily considered themselves victims. Some, as personal evidences reveal, sought “adventure”, at least partly financial independence, they wished to rid (at least to some degree) of the ties of patriarchal society, swap the hard peasant work with a more attractive work in households, or merely make a change in their lives. Not to neglect is the “attractiveness” of the city, which not only was offering the “unreachable and fanciful splendour” but as well opening new life perspectives. “To be a servant girl” in most cases meant just the initial step in the social and/or professional mobility of young women.
In a complex understanding of migrations, it is necessary to take into consideration the influences of wider social structures as the intentions, decisions of individuals, or as sociologists would say with a swift stroke, “the structure and functioning”. In addition, if we limit to just one, we can succeed at the utmost to catch only part of a much more interesting, multi-significant and complex story.
The contribution also stresses that personal evidence, upon which a lot of dust sat in (approximately) fifty years, should be read most attentively, cautiously and with a certain distance. It is not only about the “consequences” of time remoteness of the phenomena. Namely, it is extremely difficult to view unburdened or “neutral” upon the phenomena of emigration and employment of young women in households as it hardly ever unconcernedly refers to discrimination and exclusion that race, ethnicity, class, gender, religion, education etc. bring.

Jernej Mlekuž, Geographer, Ethnologist and Cultural Anthropologist at the Institute for Slovenian Emigration Studies of Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia.

ABSTRACT
The text presents different ways of preserving ethnic identity and heritage among Slovenian immigrants and their descendants in the USA from the beginning of the 20th century till now. It presents them through the two intertwind perspectives. The first one describes the social and political circumstances in the USA in the three main periods, in which the Slovenians have immigrated: before the second world war, after it and after 1970. The second perspective is given by the narratives of the Slovenian women or their descendants, in which the practical aspects of the preserving of the ethnic identity or its denial are described. The women narratives were recorded as part of the oral history project, in which more then sixty women of different age, occupation and places participated. One of the most important theme in their stories is the slovenian language and the fact that it was not preserved. To understand, why this could happen so quickly and easily we need to look through the perspective of the social and political conditions in which these women have lived.

The outline of the social conditions in the three periods of Slovenian immigration to the USA first summarizes the ideological pressupositions of the pre-war official rasism. It explaines the nativists' arguments against immigration that started to build momentum at the end of the 19th century and made possible the »quota system bill« in 1924. The scientific rasism that followed was even more devastating and was slowed down only by the attrocities of the Nazis before and during the second world war. The next period, the revival of ethnicity, was born out of the civil right movement and brought a new pride to the ethnic background, culture, food, languages and institutions at the end of the 1960. The conservative counter-attack, which followed the decade later brought an end to the multicultural utopian dreams but it could not destroy the new feeling of the people of different ethnic origin, which made them feel special and good. The brief historical outline of these social changes gives the women's narratives the context, which is for the understanding and feeling of their stories of an utmost importance.

Mirjam Milharčič-Hladnik, PhD in Sociology, Research Fellow, Institute for Slovenian Emigration Studies of the Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana.

ABSTRACT
The text presents different ways of preserving ethnic identity and heritage among Slovenian immigrants and their descendants in the USA from the beginning of the 20th century till now. It presents them through the two intertwind perspectives. The first one describes the social and political circumstances in the USA in the three main periods, in which the Slovenians have immigrated: before the second world war, after it and after 1970. The second perspective is given by the narratives of the Slovenian women or their descendants, in which the practical aspects of the preserving of the ethnic identity or its denial are described. The women narratives were recorded as part of the oral history project, in which more then sixty women of different age, occupation and places participated. One of the most important theme in their stories is the slovenian language and the fact that it was not preserved. To understand, why this could happen so quickly and easily we need to look through the perspective of the social and political conditions in which these women have lived.

The outline of the social conditions in the three periods of Slovenian immigration to the USA first summarizes the ideological pressupositions of the pre-war official rasism. It explaines the nativists' arguments against immigration that started to build momentum at the end of the 19th century and made possible the »quota system bill« in 1924. The scientific rasism that followed was even more devastating and was slowed down only by the attrocities of the Nazis before and during the second world war. The next period, the revival of ethnicity, was born out of the civil right movement and brought a new pride to the ethnic background, culture, food, languages and institutions at the end of the 1960. The conservative counter-attack, which followed the decade later brought an end to the multicultural utopian dreams but it could not destroy the new feeling of the people of different ethnic origin, which made them feel special and good. The brief historical outline of these social changes gives the women's narratives the context, which is for the understanding and feeling of their stories of an utmost importance.

Mirjam Milharčič-Hladnik, PhD in Sociology, Research Fellow, Institute for Slovenian Emigration Studies of the Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana.

ABSTRACT
In treatises on multiculturalism and globalisation, we come across numerous conceptual dilemmas and divergences between individual authors. Differences can be linked to various definitions of the both mentioned categories; mostly they are rooted in different understandings of categories, which the concepts of multiculturalism and globalisation cover and comprise. The very notion of globalisation is heterogeneously understood. In treatises on multiculturalism H. Kurthen (1997, 259) defines it as global economic co-dependency, while theorists of the so-called urban sociology (Hočevar, 2000) understand those processes as more heterogeneous and complex. In parallel with the notion of globalisation, simultaneity of individuation is introduced. That standpoint, transferred to the filed of studying of civilisations, leads us to notions as global civilisation, localities, and selective incorporation (Robertson, Rudmetof, 1995; Wilkinson, 1995). For understanding the very notion of multiculturalism, it is in the first place important how notions as culture, society, civilisation, their borders and relations that occur between them (cultural contact vs. conflict) are understood. At the same time, treatises on multiculturalism hide in the background the author’s comprehension of the category of equity. Consequently, we meet with the so-called corporative, liberal and critical use of the term multiculturalism.
Some other notions are by meaning close to multiculturalism: cultural pluralism, interculturalism, and transculturalism. The latter is by its definition strongly approaching the notion selective incorporation of cultural elements, which we find in theories on civilisations.
Taking into consideration treatises on civilisations, we should therefore be speaking of influences of globalisation on civilisations and within them on individual cultures, and of the role of multiculturalism as a possibility that would prevent the growing cultural homogenisation of the world – were in process at all. Namely, some authors expose the dual, ambivalent dynamics of globalisation processes: the increasing uniforming on the one side should on the other open increasing possibilities for alternative forms and actions (individuation). Theories on global civilisation can definitely be included in this approach. Particularly in the last group, global civilisation is linked to economic political nets of power (without cultural elements), and culture is on the level of local. Of similar standpoint, that globalisation is a global economic co-dependency, is H. Kurten (1997). A question thus arises – what relation is established between politics and economy on the one side and culture on the other. How strong is the influence of global economic-political nets on cultural (local) events? In the forefront is above all the question whether those nets have the power to establish cultural homogeneity on a global level, as a detailed insight into history shows that culture is difficult to homogenise even on the level of a (national) state.

Marina Lukšič-Hacin id PhD of Sociology and Political Anthropology, Research Fellow, Head of the Institute for Slovenian Emigration Studies of Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia.

ABSTRACT
In treatises on multiculturalism and globalisation, we come across numerous conceptual dilemmas and divergences between individual authors. Differences can be linked to various definitions of the both mentioned categories; mostly they are rooted in different understandings of categories, which the concepts of multiculturalism and globalisation cover and comprise. The very notion of globalisation is heterogeneously understood. In treatises on multiculturalism H. Kurthen (1997, 259) defines it as global economic co-dependency, while theorists of the so-called urban sociology (Hočevar, 2000) understand those processes as more heterogeneous and complex. In parallel with the notion of globalisation, simultaneity of individuation is introduced. That standpoint, transferred to the filed of studying of civilisations, leads us to notions as global civilisation, localities, and selective incorporation (Robertson, Rudmetof, 1995; Wilkinson, 1995). For understanding the very notion of multiculturalism, it is in the first place important how notions as culture, society, civilisation, their borders and relations that occur between them (cultural contact vs. conflict) are understood. At the same time, treatises on multiculturalism hide in the background the author’s comprehension of the category of equity. Consequently, we meet with the so-called corporative, liberal and critical use of the term multiculturalism.
Some other notions are by meaning close to multiculturalism: cultural pluralism, interculturalism, and transculturalism. The latter is by its definition strongly approaching the notion selective incorporation of cultural elements, which we find in theories on civilisations.
Taking into consideration treatises on civilisations, we should therefore be speaking of influences of globalisation on civilisations and within them on individual cultures, and of the role of multiculturalism as a possibility that would prevent the growing cultural homogenisation of the world – were in process at all. Namely, some authors expose the dual, ambivalent dynamics of globalisation processes: the increasing uniforming on the one side should on the other open increasing possibilities for alternative forms and actions (individuation). Theories on global civilisation can definitely be included in this approach. Particularly in the last group, global civilisation is linked to economic political nets of power (without cultural elements), and culture is on the level of local. Of similar standpoint, that globalisation is a global economic co-dependency, is H. Kurten (1997). A question thus arises – what relation is established between politics and economy on the one side and culture on the other. How strong is the influence of global economic-political nets on cultural (local) events? In the forefront is above all the question whether those nets have the power to establish cultural homogeneity on a global level, as a detailed insight into history shows that culture is difficult to homogenise even on the level of a (national) state.

Marina Lukšič-Hacin id PhD of Sociology and Political Anthropology, Research Fellow, Head of the Institute for Slovenian Emigration Studies of Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia.