ABSTRACT
My attempt was to demonstrate in the contribution what significance a group of the “advanced” gathered around for years long only newspaper of Julian Slovenes, the Matajur attributed to emigration – a “number one” phenomena in decades after World War II in Julian Slovenia. (Julian Slovenia, a region in the northeast of Italy is the most Western part of “Slovene-speaking” territory; its several-centuries political-administrative isolation from other “Slovene-speaking” regions demonstrates in particular identity and culture of its inhabitants). When analysing newspaper contributions from the appearance of the newspaper in October 1950 until the end of 1960, I was looking for contents, which occur on the following three dimensions of communication: selection of the reported reality, attitude of the information towards reality, and linguistic presentation of the information. I named contents that occurred in all three stated fields, motives. I defined motives as a “message/report cliché”, which has in presenting certain content, problematic, a specific attitude towards reality and a specific linguistic presentation of the information. Motives are thus carriers of particular manners of representations of (individual) events, occurrences, phenomena.

With the occurrence, existence of motives I have shown that particular styles of representation of phenomena exist, in the dealt case emigration, and that those form the special meaning of a phenomena (emigration). The existence of motives indicates that emigration was not at all dealt with impartially. The language of power (and resistance), exploitation, discrimination, social inequality and much else interfered in the presentation of this social phenomena. Emigration was in the mentioned period a metaphor for exploitation, inequality; it reflected a subordinate, neglected position of Venetian Slovenes and was as such by the writers of the treated texts evaluated most negatively. Towards the end of the mentioned period a motif of the emigrant occurred, inspired by the “revolutionary iconography”, the worker as carrier of long anticipated change and new era. Emigration thus gained from the side of text writers a new no longer “pessimistic” but “redemptive” significance.

I conclude the article ambitiously: with a presumption that (proof on) existence of motives can enable good foundations for deliberation and theorization on social structures and on functioning in (journalistic) communication that is “writing”. To the reproach why I answer given questions with questions, I say: Why not?

ABSTRACT
My attempt was to demonstrate in the contribution what significance a group of the “advanced” gathered around for years long only newspaper of Julian Slovenes, the Matajur attributed to emigration – a “number one” phenomena in decades after World War II in Julian Slovenia. (Julian Slovenia, a region in the northeast of Italy is the most Western part of “Slovene-speaking” territory; its several-centuries political-administrative isolation from other “Slovene-speaking” regions demonstrates in particular identity and culture of its inhabitants). When analysing newspaper contributions from the appearance of the newspaper in October 1950 until the end of 1960, I was looking for contents, which occur on the following three dimensions of communication: selection of the reported reality, attitude of the information towards reality, and linguistic presentation of the information. I named contents that occurred in all three stated fields, motives. I defined motives as a “message/report cliché”, which has in presenting certain content, problematic, a specific attitude towards reality and a specific linguistic presentation of the information. Motives are thus carriers of particular manners of representations of (individual) events, occurrences, phenomena.

With the occurrence, existence of motives I have shown that particular styles of representation of phenomena exist, in the dealt case emigration, and that those form the special meaning of a phenomena (emigration). The existence of motives indicates that emigration was not at all dealt with impartially. The language of power (and resistance), exploitation, discrimination, social inequality and much else interfered in the presentation of this social phenomena. Emigration was in the mentioned period a metaphor for exploitation, inequality; it reflected a subordinate, neglected position of Venetian Slovenes and was as such by the writers of the treated texts evaluated most negatively. Towards the end of the mentioned period a motif of the emigrant occurred, inspired by the “revolutionary iconography”, the worker as carrier of long anticipated change and new era. Emigration thus gained from the side of text writers a new no longer “pessimistic” but “redemptive” significance.

I conclude the article ambitiously: with a presumption that (proof on) existence of motives can enable good foundations for deliberation and theorization on social structures and on functioning in (journalistic) communication that is “writing”. To the reproach why I answer given questions with questions, I say: Why not?

ABSTRACT
The article refers to the decades immediately after World War II and deals with mass migration from the Italian city of Trieste on the border with Slovenia (formerly with Yugoslavia) to Australia in the second half of the 1950s. This period and the establishment of Trieste communities in larger Australian cities coincided with some interesting changes in how emigrants kept contact with their native land. At the end of the 1950s, to wit, relatively cheap tape-recorders designed for the wider public became part of the house equipment of many families. For the emigrants and their relatives these appliances meant a kind of revolution, as beside traditional correspondence they were now able to exchange recording tapes as well. Although this type of communication became very common, it seems that audiotapes have been preserved to a much lesser extent than letters; this source has not been used in the research on migration from Trieste. The paper presents some characteristics of the correspondence of a single emigrant family as well as similarities and differences between their letters and tapes. The protagonists of this communication are members of the Kovačič family (father Albert, mother Lina and three daughters) who left Trieste in 1955 and landed in Adelaide (South Australia), and Albert Kovačič's stem family in Trieste.

Letters and audio tapes are basic though partial components of the communication system, through which the Kovačič family has maintained its contacts for almost half a century with its relatives and acquaintances not only in Trieste, but in a series of European and North American countries as well. The other components of this system are postcards, congratulation cards, photographs, film tapes, videocassettes, telephone calls and, in the last few years, e-mail. The consignments from Australia, which have been received and preserved in Kovačič's native home in Trieste themselves, comprise more than 400 units of material. Among these, there are more than a hundred letters and 20 tapes (about 35 hours of listening time).

Each of the stated means of communication had its own features and played in the Kovačič’s family communication system its very specific role, where classical means (i.e. written communication and photographs) appeared, with oscillating frequency, continuously through the entire period, while the rest entered the system in compliance with the generally established technology or their adoption by the users. Some, however, fell out of the system after a certain phase. Therefore, the period of magnetic tapes coincided with the 1960s. Their decline in 1970 was associated with some events that greatly changed life dynamics in the Kovačič’s family and gave priority to letter correspondence. Still later, the establishment of the telephone link between Italy and Australia enabled more practical and direct phone contacts.

In its time phase, magnetic tapes partly replaced letter communication, without however driving it out. As for the production of the message tapes – it meant a great relief considering that to our protagonists in Australia and Trieste, writing was a fairly great effort. Most eloquent in this regard is the following sentence: "I am writing now, but my hand is rigid, so that I must often rest." Besides the physical effort for the awkward labourer's hand, writing letters especially required mental effort in forming the contents, and mainly in expressing thoughts with suitable vocabulary in literary language. Namely, our correspondents endeavoured to use standard Italian, which they scarcely mastered, since their customary colloquial language was the Trieste Italian dialect and, in Australia, English, as well as Slovene in Trieste. Tapes certainly surmounted these difficulties, for communication became less formal, more relaxed and direct, in everyday language and with no restraint, which can render letter writing very difficult indeed.

Still, the origin of audio recording met with certain difficulties, too, primarily of temporal and organizational character. Letter writing, while taking relatively little time, as far as the Kovačič family is concerned, required mental preparation, searching for a favourable moment and the necessary discipline. Besides, letters seldom contained more than 450 words. Tape recordings, on the other hand, lasted from one to two hours. Their implementation therefore demanded incomparably more time as well as certain temporal adjustment, for audio communication enabled all members of the family to express their thoughts, without discriminating the illiterate (i.e. children) or those unwilling to write. Moreover, the tendency was that on each tape all of them took part and, quite often, even some of their friends and acquaintances. At the time, they had no tape recorder of their own, this meant, for either recording the tape or listening to it, to gather simultaneously all the members of the family and those who wished to take part together in one place. The eventual purchase of the machine mitigated such preparations and allowed a greater recording flexibility. This reflects in two different audio recording typologies and in the different use of the appliance. The first tapes recorded with a borrowed recorder were made, so to speak, at a stroke, usually in a single Saturday evening, and were the fruit of lengthy preparations. They were very much like a public performance, in which a series of people take part in compliance with a carefully directed scenario. The actual purchase of the machine brought the first change: recordings were made piece by piece and often took several weeks to be completed. On each tape, all members of the family and a series of other people were still heard, however not necessarily all together but also individually or in groups. The greatest novelty, however, lay in the fact that the tape recorder soon became like a family member taking part in the everyday life. The recorder was mostly used by being simply switched on, while people were eating, ironing, sewing, washing up, tidying up, and so on. While doing so they were talking to the addressees of the messages, telling them whatever they had on their minds, drawing them into their mutual conversation, as if they were actually there.

Tapes could be called "sound letters". There are, however, some remarkable differences between the two means. While the letter contents are just essential and often expressed awkwardly, their extent is substantially increased and enlivened on tapes. The topics are dealt with very thoroughly, described down to the smallest detail, so that listeners could imagine them very vividly. The communication capacity of sound tracks, however, grossly surpasses the meaning of the words themselves. The expressive power of spoken words sounds out in all its direct immediateness, warmth and emotional charge. The voices of the people who had not heard each other for seven years were something indescribable by themselves alone. No wonder, therefore, that the first tape sent without notice from Australia caused a true shock in Trieste and that the highly excited addressees dreamed of it “all the night long”. Some could not get used to talking over the tape recorder for quite some time, for it was not simple to speak to somebody who was not listening to you, but above all – as claimed by themselves – because while thinking of the addressee "the emotions smothered all words in your throat".

The collective communication and the effects of the live voice most immediately captured the attention of the listener. The contents were often enriched by Trieste and Australian songs accompanied on the accordion or on the guitar. At the same time the tapes brought the most diverse sounds of temporary events and everyday life, such as those made during lunch or washing up, noises from the neighbouring room, voices from the neighbourhood, sirens of ambulances rushing to the hospital, road traffic or downpour noises, radio and TV programmes in the background, all kinds of situations in the family life, and so on. All of this was at times recorded on purpose, as the emigrants in Australia, for example, love to listen to the howling of the typical Trieste north-easterly winds or to the chatter in the street in which they used to live, while they themselves used to send to Trieste the sounds of their environment, including the buzzing of their new car, washing machine, lawn mower etc. All of this created a sensation of nearness and enabled the two so distant worlds to coexperience each other more directly, both in momentary and somewhat longer temporal sequences. Symptomatic in tape communication is, in comparison with letters, its temporal dimension, since it is capable of catching the course of events and to factually transmit fragments of life, including the momentary atmosphere and the speakers' state of mind.

In their letter and audio communication, our protagonists dealt with numerous topics, which would be worth examining in a longer study. This and other surviving documentation enables a fairly detailed historical reconstruction of the emigrant Kovačič family through a few generations period. With an exceptional number of explicit and implicit pieces of information, it offers an insight into numerous aspects of a personal and wider social character, which would otherwise have not been recorded or would show themselves in an utterly different light if told from memory. This material embraces the life cycle both of a group and of individuals, the factors that influenced this cycle in different ways, and everything else that accompanied it. Most clearly evident are, for example, planning, priorities, objectives and strategies for their attainment, organisation of family life and changes through time, the system of values, issues regarding the bringing up of children and the adoption of new ways of life, the change of mentality in the wider sense of the word, not to mention their keeping in touch with their old place and their creation of a new social network in their new town.

A very special attention, however, should be given to the problem of the people's identity, mainly to their ethnic identity. The "collision" with the new environment, acculturation, integration and identification are, as well known, the most eminent topics as far as the migrant complexities are concerned. From this aspect, our case happens to be somewhat special, since the members of the Kovačič family, as emigrants to Australia, did not face the problem of ethnic dissimilarity and its effects for the first time, but brought it, already well-rooted in their conscience and experience, with them from their old town, for as Slovenes they had been subjected, under fascism, to violent Italianisation. Apart from this, Trieste as a city situated on the border between Romance and Slav worlds had always been faced with the counterposition between the dominant Italian and the minor Slovene ethnic components, as well as the assimilation of the Slovene population. The city had long been divided in the issues concerning its identity and its national affiliation. Closely associated with these issues is also the mass migration of the Trieste people to Australia in the 1950s. Many did not leave merely owing to the economic crisis and to the lack of prospects for their future life, but also due to the disintegration of the small multiethnic state of the Free Territory of Trieste under the Anglo-American military administration, in which they saw the most impartial solution of the Trieste territorial question, and due to the annexation to the Italian state, of which the Slovenes in particular were very distrustful. Most eloquent for the understanding of the decisions made by many Trieste people to emigrate are, in my opinion, the thoughts expressed by our Albert Kovačič in one of his first letters sent from Australia: "Here you don’t think about national flags, nor about immortal mother-countries. Here you have what you can really call peace and freedom". It is undoubtedly significant that these were the words of a man who not only experienced the fascist deprivation of national rights, but came to Trieste, in May 1945, as Tito's partisan to liberate it, and eventually had to reconcile himself, as the majority of the Trieste Slovenes, to the bitter fact that the city would not belong to Yugoslavia, where he lived and served as a soldier for four years after the war.

This is the reason, therefore, why we should ask ourselves how is it at all possible that Albert Kovačič's written and audio communication with his home in Trieste has been for almost half a century carried out only in Italian and not even with a single word in Slovene, his mother tongue, as well as why the Italian Trieste dialect was the language the Kovačičs transfered to their daughters, although the father from Trieste had begged his son never to deny his mother tongue. This question concerns not only the Kovačič family, but opens a complex chapter of the identity of the Trieste communities in general. In Australia, they reproduced a mixed Italian-Slovene Trieste reality, in which the Trieste Italian dialect was affirmed as lingua franca and which parallel to the Australian acculturation still knew, within itself, the Italianisation of the Slovene component. Indeed, the complexities of the ethnic assimilation and identity, either in the emigrant communities or in Trieste itself, are still a very problematic issue, about which its protagonists are not particularly willing to speak. I believe that due to this fact, too, the emigrant correspondence in whichever form is a precious and in many respects essential material for the understanding of these particular problems.

ABSTRACT
The article refers to the decades immediately after World War II and deals with mass migration from the Italian city of Trieste on the border with Slovenia (formerly with Yugoslavia) to Australia in the second half of the 1950s. This period and the establishment of Trieste communities in larger Australian cities coincided with some interesting changes in how emigrants kept contact with their native land. At the end of the 1950s, to wit, relatively cheap tape-recorders designed for the wider public became part of the house equipment of many families. For the emigrants and their relatives these appliances meant a kind of revolution, as beside traditional correspondence they were now able to exchange recording tapes as well. Although this type of communication became very common, it seems that audiotapes have been preserved to a much lesser extent than letters; this source has not been used in the research on migration from Trieste. The paper presents some characteristics of the correspondence of a single emigrant family as well as similarities and differences between their letters and tapes. The protagonists of this communication are members of the Kovačič family (father Albert, mother Lina and three daughters) who left Trieste in 1955 and landed in Adelaide (South Australia), and Albert Kovačič's stem family in Trieste.

Letters and audio tapes are basic though partial components of the communication system, through which the Kovačič family has maintained its contacts for almost half a century with its relatives and acquaintances not only in Trieste, but in a series of European and North American countries as well. The other components of this system are postcards, congratulation cards, photographs, film tapes, videocassettes, telephone calls and, in the last few years, e-mail. The consignments from Australia, which have been received and preserved in Kovačič's native home in Trieste themselves, comprise more than 400 units of material. Among these, there are more than a hundred letters and 20 tapes (about 35 hours of listening time).

Each of the stated means of communication had its own features and played in the Kovačič’s family communication system its very specific role, where classical means (i.e. written communication and photographs) appeared, with oscillating frequency, continuously through the entire period, while the rest entered the system in compliance with the generally established technology or their adoption by the users. Some, however, fell out of the system after a certain phase. Therefore, the period of magnetic tapes coincided with the 1960s. Their decline in 1970 was associated with some events that greatly changed life dynamics in the Kovačič’s family and gave priority to letter correspondence. Still later, the establishment of the telephone link between Italy and Australia enabled more practical and direct phone contacts.

In its time phase, magnetic tapes partly replaced letter communication, without however driving it out. As for the production of the message tapes – it meant a great relief considering that to our protagonists in Australia and Trieste, writing was a fairly great effort. Most eloquent in this regard is the following sentence: "I am writing now, but my hand is rigid, so that I must often rest." Besides the physical effort for the awkward labourer's hand, writing letters especially required mental effort in forming the contents, and mainly in expressing thoughts with suitable vocabulary in literary language. Namely, our correspondents endeavoured to use standard Italian, which they scarcely mastered, since their customary colloquial language was the Trieste Italian dialect and, in Australia, English, as well as Slovene in Trieste. Tapes certainly surmounted these difficulties, for communication became less formal, more relaxed and direct, in everyday language and with no restraint, which can render letter writing very difficult indeed.

Still, the origin of audio recording met with certain difficulties, too, primarily of temporal and organizational character. Letter writing, while taking relatively little time, as far as the Kovačič family is concerned, required mental preparation, searching for a favourable moment and the necessary discipline. Besides, letters seldom contained more than 450 words. Tape recordings, on the other hand, lasted from one to two hours. Their implementation therefore demanded incomparably more time as well as certain temporal adjustment, for audio communication enabled all members of the family to express their thoughts, without discriminating the illiterate (i.e. children) or those unwilling to write. Moreover, the tendency was that on each tape all of them took part and, quite often, even some of their friends and acquaintances. At the time, they had no tape recorder of their own, this meant, for either recording the tape or listening to it, to gather simultaneously all the members of the family and those who wished to take part together in one place. The eventual purchase of the machine mitigated such preparations and allowed a greater recording flexibility. This reflects in two different audio recording typologies and in the different use of the appliance. The first tapes recorded with a borrowed recorder were made, so to speak, at a stroke, usually in a single Saturday evening, and were the fruit of lengthy preparations. They were very much like a public performance, in which a series of people take part in compliance with a carefully directed scenario. The actual purchase of the machine brought the first change: recordings were made piece by piece and often took several weeks to be completed. On each tape, all members of the family and a series of other people were still heard, however not necessarily all together but also individually or in groups. The greatest novelty, however, lay in the fact that the tape recorder soon became like a family member taking part in the everyday life. The recorder was mostly used by being simply switched on, while people were eating, ironing, sewing, washing up, tidying up, and so on. While doing so they were talking to the addressees of the messages, telling them whatever they had on their minds, drawing them into their mutual conversation, as if they were actually there.

Tapes could be called "sound letters". There are, however, some remarkable differences between the two means. While the letter contents are just essential and often expressed awkwardly, their extent is substantially increased and enlivened on tapes. The topics are dealt with very thoroughly, described down to the smallest detail, so that listeners could imagine them very vividly. The communication capacity of sound tracks, however, grossly surpasses the meaning of the words themselves. The expressive power of spoken words sounds out in all its direct immediateness, warmth and emotional charge. The voices of the people who had not heard each other for seven years were something indescribable by themselves alone. No wonder, therefore, that the first tape sent without notice from Australia caused a true shock in Trieste and that the highly excited addressees dreamed of it “all the night long”. Some could not get used to talking over the tape recorder for quite some time, for it was not simple to speak to somebody who was not listening to you, but above all – as claimed by themselves – because while thinking of the addressee "the emotions smothered all words in your throat".

The collective communication and the effects of the live voice most immediately captured the attention of the listener. The contents were often enriched by Trieste and Australian songs accompanied on the accordion or on the guitar. At the same time the tapes brought the most diverse sounds of temporary events and everyday life, such as those made during lunch or washing up, noises from the neighbouring room, voices from the neighbourhood, sirens of ambulances rushing to the hospital, road traffic or downpour noises, radio and TV programmes in the background, all kinds of situations in the family life, and so on. All of this was at times recorded on purpose, as the emigrants in Australia, for example, love to listen to the howling of the typical Trieste north-easterly winds or to the chatter in the street in which they used to live, while they themselves used to send to Trieste the sounds of their environment, including the buzzing of their new car, washing machine, lawn mower etc. All of this created a sensation of nearness and enabled the two so distant worlds to coexperience each other more directly, both in momentary and somewhat longer temporal sequences. Symptomatic in tape communication is, in comparison with letters, its temporal dimension, since it is capable of catching the course of events and to factually transmit fragments of life, including the momentary atmosphere and the speakers' state of mind.

In their letter and audio communication, our protagonists dealt with numerous topics, which would be worth examining in a longer study. This and other surviving documentation enables a fairly detailed historical reconstruction of the emigrant Kovačič family through a few generations period. With an exceptional number of explicit and implicit pieces of information, it offers an insight into numerous aspects of a personal and wider social character, which would otherwise have not been recorded or would show themselves in an utterly different light if told from memory. This material embraces the life cycle both of a group and of individuals, the factors that influenced this cycle in different ways, and everything else that accompanied it. Most clearly evident are, for example, planning, priorities, objectives and strategies for their attainment, organisation of family life and changes through time, the system of values, issues regarding the bringing up of children and the adoption of new ways of life, the change of mentality in the wider sense of the word, not to mention their keeping in touch with their old place and their creation of a new social network in their new town.

A very special attention, however, should be given to the problem of the people's identity, mainly to their ethnic identity. The "collision" with the new environment, acculturation, integration and identification are, as well known, the most eminent topics as far as the migrant complexities are concerned. From this aspect, our case happens to be somewhat special, since the members of the Kovačič family, as emigrants to Australia, did not face the problem of ethnic dissimilarity and its effects for the first time, but brought it, already well-rooted in their conscience and experience, with them from their old town, for as Slovenes they had been subjected, under fascism, to violent Italianisation. Apart from this, Trieste as a city situated on the border between Romance and Slav worlds had always been faced with the counterposition between the dominant Italian and the minor Slovene ethnic components, as well as the assimilation of the Slovene population. The city had long been divided in the issues concerning its identity and its national affiliation. Closely associated with these issues is also the mass migration of the Trieste people to Australia in the 1950s. Many did not leave merely owing to the economic crisis and to the lack of prospects for their future life, but also due to the disintegration of the small multiethnic state of the Free Territory of Trieste under the Anglo-American military administration, in which they saw the most impartial solution of the Trieste territorial question, and due to the annexation to the Italian state, of which the Slovenes in particular were very distrustful. Most eloquent for the understanding of the decisions made by many Trieste people to emigrate are, in my opinion, the thoughts expressed by our Albert Kovačič in one of his first letters sent from Australia: "Here you don’t think about national flags, nor about immortal mother-countries. Here you have what you can really call peace and freedom". It is undoubtedly significant that these were the words of a man who not only experienced the fascist deprivation of national rights, but came to Trieste, in May 1945, as Tito's partisan to liberate it, and eventually had to reconcile himself, as the majority of the Trieste Slovenes, to the bitter fact that the city would not belong to Yugoslavia, where he lived and served as a soldier for four years after the war.

This is the reason, therefore, why we should ask ourselves how is it at all possible that Albert Kovačič's written and audio communication with his home in Trieste has been for almost half a century carried out only in Italian and not even with a single word in Slovene, his mother tongue, as well as why the Italian Trieste dialect was the language the Kovačičs transfered to their daughters, although the father from Trieste had begged his son never to deny his mother tongue. This question concerns not only the Kovačič family, but opens a complex chapter of the identity of the Trieste communities in general. In Australia, they reproduced a mixed Italian-Slovene Trieste reality, in which the Trieste Italian dialect was affirmed as lingua franca and which parallel to the Australian acculturation still knew, within itself, the Italianisation of the Slovene component. Indeed, the complexities of the ethnic assimilation and identity, either in the emigrant communities or in Trieste itself, are still a very problematic issue, about which its protagonists are not particularly willing to speak. I believe that due to this fact, too, the emigrant correspondence in whichever form is a precious and in many respects essential material for the understanding of these particular problems.

ABSTRACT
From the antiquity on, letters are written communication intended to individuals or several people, to an intimate circle or to the public. That is valid for emigrant correspondence, which became mass during the time of contemporary migrations in the 19th and 20th centuries. Slovene historiography is devoting increasing attention to the so-called private materials among which letters emigrants exchanged with their fellow countrymen in the old homeland, with friends, different societies, state authorities in emigrant and immigrant space, Church institutions, monetary institutions, and similar, are most numerous. That is why I deal with migration letters in a broad meaning of the word and not only as with emigrant letters, which are actually mere emigrant letters to addressees in the old homeland. American sociology has discovered such archival material with William Isaac Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, Europe somewhat earlier, if I mention the Dane Karl Larsen whom many other followed. At present, known names of experts on emigrant letters are Charlotte Erickson, Giorgo Cheda, Wofgang Helbich, Ulrike Sommer, Samuel L. Baily and Franco Ramella, Antonius Holtmann, and many others. In recent years, a move in regard of researching Slovene emigrant correspondence has been made, if I just mention John A. Arnez, Henry Christian, Jerneja Petrič, Darko Friš, Aleksej Kalc, Marjan Drnovšek.

The question of the relation between private and public in emigrant correspondence is not merely the question of the relation between the published – for example in newspapers – and private letters. It is about different intentions of the writers of the letters, and contacts with different addressees, which formed the content of the letters. Consequently, I treat in detail the so-called family letters that were intended for the eyes of close relatives only, and a number of those that became public by being read in public or by being published in newspapers. Many letters to families were because of their content calling for publication, especially those from the pioneer times of colonisation in the United States of America as they contained much information on the journey across the Atlantic, the settlement itself, and life in the new environment. The number of letters emigrants addressed to newspaper editorial offices was increasing (public or open letters). Analysed are with reference to correspondence of emigrants with secular and Church authorities and societies, the so-called petition letters (for example: applications to state offices for help in cases of status difficulties), monetary and legacy letters, support letters for acquisition of visas, letters to emigrant societies and organisations in the old homeland, and letters between emigrant offices and future emigrants. A special group are public and less public letters such as invitation letters, e.g. for immigrating to America, missionary letters, published informative letters, e.g. on life in a new environment, published warning letters, e.g. about emigrating to new environments, e.g. to Brazil at the end of the 19th century, advisory letters, e.g. on economic conditions in the new environment, church pastoral letters, support letters, e.g. for encouragement of emigrants in regard of preservation of national identity, itinerary letters, and the so-called concealed letters, which were during the communist Yugoslavia confiscated or were sent to the country by secret canals. Twelve letters that represent different types of private and public letters are published in the supplement.

Infinite is the palette of relations between private and public in emigrant correspondence, especially if we step over the threshold of merely classic correspondence between individuals and look round different categories of letter contacts that were occurring between emigrants and the old homeland in the last two centuries. We can imagine expectations and fears of an individual because of a letter that arrived or there was not one; despite their lesser preservation, we can identify the principal lines of private or intimate on the one side and official letters on the other, we can understand the curiosity of people in regard of contents of the letters that lead to their publishing in media; yet on no account can we understand that the attitude toward those materials was and still is contrary to all expectations as regards their value for the individual, and the significance for judgment of most personal and at the same time public events with Slovenes in the field shortly denoted as emigration. Emigration are not only organisations, societies, preservation of Slovene identity in foreign lands, the problematic of assimilation, contacts with the old homeland, and similar, but above all people, emigrants and their descendants, an all other close and remote who remained in the old homeland. Especially those people experienced stories of their very own that, if at all, are preserved only in notes we usually find in letters. That is why letters should arouse in us greater curiosity; they detect individuals who were not part of the iceberg above the sea level, but were composing a larger and deeper part underneath about which we know least. Only letters if preserved, reveal the destinies of those people. Unfortunately, there are very few preserved with Slovenes; fortunately, gazettes from the time of most massive emigration in the Austrian period, less after, and least during the last economic wave in the socialist period, had enough ear to have published letters. Cursory rummaging in antique shops and at flea markets reveal fragments of private correspondences from which we can only surmise their richness if they were entirely preserved.

ABSTRACT
From the antiquity on, letters are written communication intended to individuals or several people, to an intimate circle or to the public. That is valid for emigrant correspondence, which became mass during the time of contemporary migrations in the 19th and 20th centuries. Slovene historiography is devoting increasing attention to the so-called private materials among which letters emigrants exchanged with their fellow countrymen in the old homeland, with friends, different societies, state authorities in emigrant and immigrant space, Church institutions, monetary institutions, and similar, are most numerous. That is why I deal with migration letters in a broad meaning of the word and not only as with emigrant letters, which are actually mere emigrant letters to addressees in the old homeland. American sociology has discovered such archival material with William Isaac Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, Europe somewhat earlier, if I mention the Dane Karl Larsen whom many other followed. At present, known names of experts on emigrant letters are Charlotte Erickson, Giorgo Cheda, Wofgang Helbich, Ulrike Sommer, Samuel L. Baily and Franco Ramella, Antonius Holtmann, and many others. In recent years, a move in regard of researching Slovene emigrant correspondence has been made, if I just mention John A. Arnez, Henry Christian, Jerneja Petrič, Darko Friš, Aleksej Kalc, Marjan Drnovšek.

The question of the relation between private and public in emigrant correspondence is not merely the question of the relation between the published – for example in newspapers – and private letters. It is about different intentions of the writers of the letters, and contacts with different addressees, which formed the content of the letters. Consequently, I treat in detail the so-called family letters that were intended for the eyes of close relatives only, and a number of those that became public by being read in public or by being published in newspapers. Many letters to families were because of their content calling for publication, especially those from the pioneer times of colonisation in the United States of America as they contained much information on the journey across the Atlantic, the settlement itself, and life in the new environment. The number of letters emigrants addressed to newspaper editorial offices was increasing (public or open letters). Analysed are with reference to correspondence of emigrants with secular and Church authorities and societies, the so-called petition letters (for example: applications to state offices for help in cases of status difficulties), monetary and legacy letters, support letters for acquisition of visas, letters to emigrant societies and organisations in the old homeland, and letters between emigrant offices and future emigrants. A special group are public and less public letters such as invitation letters, e.g. for immigrating to America, missionary letters, published informative letters, e.g. on life in a new environment, published warning letters, e.g. about emigrating to new environments, e.g. to Brazil at the end of the 19th century, advisory letters, e.g. on economic conditions in the new environment, church pastoral letters, support letters, e.g. for encouragement of emigrants in regard of preservation of national identity, itinerary letters, and the so-called concealed letters, which were during the communist Yugoslavia confiscated or were sent to the country by secret canals. Twelve letters that represent different types of private and public letters are published in the supplement.

Infinite is the palette of relations between private and public in emigrant correspondence, especially if we step over the threshold of merely classic correspondence between individuals and look round different categories of letter contacts that were occurring between emigrants and the old homeland in the last two centuries. We can imagine expectations and fears of an individual because of a letter that arrived or there was not one; despite their lesser preservation, we can identify the principal lines of private or intimate on the one side and official letters on the other, we can understand the curiosity of people in regard of contents of the letters that lead to their publishing in media; yet on no account can we understand that the attitude toward those materials was and still is contrary to all expectations as regards their value for the individual, and the significance for judgment of most personal and at the same time public events with Slovenes in the field shortly denoted as emigration. Emigration are not only organisations, societies, preservation of Slovene identity in foreign lands, the problematic of assimilation, contacts with the old homeland, and similar, but above all people, emigrants and their descendants, an all other close and remote who remained in the old homeland. Especially those people experienced stories of their very own that, if at all, are preserved only in notes we usually find in letters. That is why letters should arouse in us greater curiosity; they detect individuals who were not part of the iceberg above the sea level, but were composing a larger and deeper part underneath about which we know least. Only letters if preserved, reveal the destinies of those people. Unfortunately, there are very few preserved with Slovenes; fortunately, gazettes from the time of most massive emigration in the Austrian period, less after, and least during the last economic wave in the socialist period, had enough ear to have published letters. Cursory rummaging in antique shops and at flea markets reveal fragments of private correspondences from which we can only surmise their richness if they were entirely preserved.

ABSTRACT
When following Cankar’s art in his three creative periods, from the pre-Vienna period (1891/1892-1899) through Vienna years (1899-1909) to the last, Ljubljana period (1909-1918) we see it was the time of his living abroad that marked him most. In his numerous “Vienna works”, distress because of eradication from the homeland connected with severe critique of its mental and cultural state and moral disintegration can be sensed.

There were several reasons for Cankar’s leaving for Vienna. Among principal were the “loss of home” after his mother’s death (1897), a negative reception of his first collection of poems Erotika (1899), his wish to study and for a closer contact with modern European literature, and disappointment over Slovene culture, which was not mature enough for genuine art. Cankar understood genuine art as art that has ethic goals and seeks uncompromisingly in the unjust world some deeper truth. Only art oriented toward the superlative can help the weak human in his search for deliverance from inevitable quilt and evil, in consolation of contradictions of the restless human nature, and at the same time reason ones’ suffering with faith in eternal ruling of the Truth and Beauty in the next world.

We find in Cankar’s works of the Vienna period that are about homeland and the writer’s relation toward it, his relief because abroad he was able to create modern literature independently and unburdened by the European model, and on the other hand, a passive protest against the homeland that did not recognize him, and its double morality. The very uneasiness of foreign land, sensation of isolation, superfluity, eradication, estrangement, self-denial, suffering and nostalgia influenced Cankar to create in his Vienna years the majority of his best works. Through strongly psychologically marked third-person fables, novels and dramas he frequently reveals his own estrangement in the world from which he cannot escape, and tries to overcome his weakness with spirituality. The repeating of St. Florian motive in his Vienna years in which Cankar appears as an exiled artist abroad who is longing for his homeland despite his awareness of its double morality, witness on the writer’s distress because of the sensation of not being accepted. Frequent cynicism found in his moral critique is hiding his wounded idealism. Because Cankar could not assert himself in society, he often resorted to defiance, denial and bitter tearing of himself. Cankar’s personal bitterness did not change into hatred of human beings and human civilisation; it reveals the writers’ deep human hurting. Numerous Cankar’s stories and dramas of the Vienna years thus bring with autobiographic elements the figure of an idealistic educated person or artist who does not want to conform to officially recognised patterns and ideals but wants his life arranged by his own ideals. Nevertheless, abroad Cankar frequently wrote that he did not hate the homeland he was accusing of rejecting and blemishing him, but that he loved it.

Soon after his arrival in Ottakring, the workers’ suburb of Vienna Cankar realized Vienna was not a “promised land” for him and that he would always remain a stranger there. His dark sensations at the recognition about non-realizable high juvenile artistic ideas and the deafness of the world for him and his artistic endeavours were deepened by loneliness and at times intensified to the thought of death. Cankar finally rescued himself from extreme existential distress with spirituality, which brought him back home. After his return to the homeland, Cankar wrote many autobiographic works. The foreign parts experience marked those works with increasing religiousness and search of reconciliation with himself, his deceased mother, fellow human in distress of wartime, and with God.

ABSTRACT
When following Cankar’s art in his three creative periods, from the pre-Vienna period (1891/1892-1899) through Vienna years (1899-1909) to the last, Ljubljana period (1909-1918) we see it was the time of his living abroad that marked him most. In his numerous “Vienna works”, distress because of eradication from the homeland connected with severe critique of its mental and cultural state and moral disintegration can be sensed.

There were several reasons for Cankar’s leaving for Vienna. Among principal were the “loss of home” after his mother’s death (1897), a negative reception of his first collection of poems Erotika (1899), his wish to study and for a closer contact with modern European literature, and disappointment over Slovene culture, which was not mature enough for genuine art. Cankar understood genuine art as art that has ethic goals and seeks uncompromisingly in the unjust world some deeper truth. Only art oriented toward the superlative can help the weak human in his search for deliverance from inevitable quilt and evil, in consolation of contradictions of the restless human nature, and at the same time reason ones’ suffering with faith in eternal ruling of the Truth and Beauty in the next world.

We find in Cankar’s works of the Vienna period that are about homeland and the writer’s relation toward it, his relief because abroad he was able to create modern literature independently and unburdened by the European model, and on the other hand, a passive protest against the homeland that did not recognize him, and its double morality. The very uneasiness of foreign land, sensation of isolation, superfluity, eradication, estrangement, self-denial, suffering and nostalgia influenced Cankar to create in his Vienna years the majority of his best works. Through strongly psychologically marked third-person fables, novels and dramas he frequently reveals his own estrangement in the world from which he cannot escape, and tries to overcome his weakness with spirituality. The repeating of St. Florian motive in his Vienna years in which Cankar appears as an exiled artist abroad who is longing for his homeland despite his awareness of its double morality, witness on the writer’s distress because of the sensation of not being accepted. Frequent cynicism found in his moral critique is hiding his wounded idealism. Because Cankar could not assert himself in society, he often resorted to defiance, denial and bitter tearing of himself. Cankar’s personal bitterness did not change into hatred of human beings and human civilisation; it reveals the writers’ deep human hurting. Numerous Cankar’s stories and dramas of the Vienna years thus bring with autobiographic elements the figure of an idealistic educated person or artist who does not want to conform to officially recognised patterns and ideals but wants his life arranged by his own ideals. Nevertheless, abroad Cankar frequently wrote that he did not hate the homeland he was accusing of rejecting and blemishing him, but that he loved it.

Soon after his arrival in Ottakring, the workers’ suburb of Vienna Cankar realized Vienna was not a “promised land” for him and that he would always remain a stranger there. His dark sensations at the recognition about non-realizable high juvenile artistic ideas and the deafness of the world for him and his artistic endeavours were deepened by loneliness and at times intensified to the thought of death. Cankar finally rescued himself from extreme existential distress with spirituality, which brought him back home. After his return to the homeland, Cankar wrote many autobiographic works. The foreign parts experience marked those works with increasing religiousness and search of reconciliation with himself, his deceased mother, fellow human in distress of wartime, and with God.

ABSTRACT
The inauguration of Bach's absolutist system in the summer of 1849, and particularly after 1852, and Thun's school reforms, have both inaugurated a rigorous policy of Germanization during the whole decade. It included a single law for the entire Monarchy, a single administration run by German speaking officials for the whole country, among whom were also middle-school or gymnasium professors. Bach’s intention was to unify and Germanize the Monarchy by bureaucracy. Thus, he began to move state officials, also professors, out of their native countries to non-German countries: the Czech gymnasium professors and officials were sent to Slovenia, while Slovene and also some Czech officials and gymnasium professors were sent to Croatia. These Slovenes – as loyal citizens - were sent by the authorities as state officials to accomplish Thun's school reforms. For the state authorities they were a most useful link between Bach’s policy and non-German people, implementing Germanization in all fields of social life. They remained anonymous creators of the state policy irrespective of their national appurtenance.

Among the Slovenes there were also many sympathizers of the 1848 national movements, also of the Croatian national »Illyrian« movement, and were – by being moved - »punished« for their then activities, since for political reasons, they were not allowed to work in Slovenia. On the other hand, after 1848 some Slovenes came to Croatia voluntarily, mainly to experience the Illyrian movement and ideas. Many Slovene intellectuals have settled there permanently, many have assimilated, especially those who have created their families there. The contribution of Slovene gymnasium professors, university professors, scholars, scientists, artists and cultural workers to Croatian science, art and culture was, undoubtedly, of major importance for the entire Croatian and as well Slovene society.

ABSTRACT
The inauguration of Bach's absolutist system in the summer of 1849, and particularly after 1852, and Thun's school reforms, have both inaugurated a rigorous policy of Germanization during the whole decade. It included a single law for the entire Monarchy, a single administration run by German speaking officials for the whole country, among whom were also middle-school or gymnasium professors. Bach’s intention was to unify and Germanize the Monarchy by bureaucracy. Thus, he began to move state officials, also professors, out of their native countries to non-German countries: the Czech gymnasium professors and officials were sent to Slovenia, while Slovene and also some Czech officials and gymnasium professors were sent to Croatia. These Slovenes – as loyal citizens - were sent by the authorities as state officials to accomplish Thun's school reforms. For the state authorities they were a most useful link between Bach’s policy and non-German people, implementing Germanization in all fields of social life. They remained anonymous creators of the state policy irrespective of their national appurtenance.

Among the Slovenes there were also many sympathizers of the 1848 national movements, also of the Croatian national »Illyrian« movement, and were – by being moved - »punished« for their then activities, since for political reasons, they were not allowed to work in Slovenia. On the other hand, after 1848 some Slovenes came to Croatia voluntarily, mainly to experience the Illyrian movement and ideas. Many Slovene intellectuals have settled there permanently, many have assimilated, especially those who have created their families there. The contribution of Slovene gymnasium professors, university professors, scholars, scientists, artists and cultural workers to Croatian science, art and culture was, undoubtedly, of major importance for the entire Croatian and as well Slovene society.